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Monday, February 14, 2011
Thursday, February 10, 2011
Islam and the Egyptian Political Future
February 11, 2011
Published in American Thinker
Today we see the politics in Egypt in change and the question of the day is “what will happen to the government?” The details cannot be known, but the future will probably be some version of the past a past is driven by Islamic political doctrine.
All Islamic political doctrine is determined by the example of Mohammed. His rise to power was not by winning elections, but in the use of armed force. Mohammed averaged an event of violence on the average of every six weeks for the last nine years of his life. He may have been the prophet of Allah, but his rule was in parallel to other absolute rulers.
Historically, fascism was a political system in power in Italy in the middle twentieth century. Today, the term has come to mean:
Political Domination
Mohammed is the ideal Islamic leader. He rose to power by force of arms—jihad. Jihad was critical in his rise to total and absolute power.
The Sunna (the perfect example of a Muslim life) of Mohammed is found in the Hadith (Traditions) and Sira (his biography). The three texts, Koran, Sira and Hadith, are named the Trilogy. If it is in the Trilogy, it is Islam. If it is not in the Trilogy, it is not Islam. Here is a chart of how much text is devoted to jihad in the Islamic texts:
The Elimination of Political Enemies by Force
Islam started as a religious ideology in Mecca, but in Medina it quickly moved to the use of lethal force by men sent out with orders to attack commercial targets, kill, capture and take all wealth. The captured victims were ransomed, executed, enslaved and tortured. The size of the forces ranged from single assassins to small bands and armies.
This military philosophy was so important that it was given a unique name—jihad. What is so brilliant about jihad is its civilizational scope. Armed force was merely the final stage in a system of war against all Kafirs. Jihad is practiced by armed force, speech, writing and cash contributions through charities. (Note: the inner or spiritual jihad is mentioned in less than 2% of texts.)
Jihad has been the most effective system of military force known to humanity. Today, no one kills for Julius Caesar, Napoleon or any other military leader of history. Kafirs die daily because of jihad. Approximately 270 million Christians, Jews, Buddhists, Hindus, and Africans have been destroyed by jihad over the last 1400 years.
Islam created the word “assassin”. Mohammed repeatedly used assassins to eliminate his political enemies, including artists and intellectuals. A partial list includes:
A Partial List of Assassinated Intellectuals and Leaders
Strong Leader
When Mohammed died he did not have an enemy left standing. All Arabs within his horizon were Muslims. He absolutely and completely dominated all political life in a unified Arabia. Mohammed is the perfect example of an Islamic political leader. He was absolute in his power. He was the judge, lawgiver, military leader, intellectual leader, spiritual leader, and political leader.
He rose to power through his own efforts and became the ultimate strongman. He did not leave behind a process for Islam to choose leaders other than imitating his methods.
Nationalism
All Muslims are a part of the umma, the Islamic community or nation. This concept goes beyond the usual geographic boundaries of nation. The al Qaeda idea of restoring the caliphate is based upon going back to a supreme leader who rises to power and rules all Muslims as the global umma.
The umma means that every Muslim living in a Kafir nation has two allegiances—the nation and Islam. Islam demands that a Muslim’s first allegiance is to the umma, not the nation. Therefore, the Islamic version of nationalism is umma-ism.
Mass demonstrations
Islam does mass demonstrations and riots like a symphony orchestra plays Bach. Demonstrations are a political tradition. The Islamic mass demonstration is so common that we do not really see the brilliance and perfection that in their execution. Mass demonstrations and riots are happening in Europe and we will soon feel the pressure of them in America when Islam has greater numbers.
Over time Political Islam dominates every country where Islam was introduced. At some point in the process, street riots, mass rallies and assassinations become part of the political process of domination by Islam, until complete political dominance is achieved.
Israel and Islam
At first Islam was kind to the Jews, but in the end Mohammed exiled, enslaved and annihilated every Jew in Arabia. This is recorded in the Trilogy. Examine the next chart:
Islam has fascist qualities. The next government in Egypt will have a fig leaf of democracy, but if the past is any guide it will be fascist in it implementation and rule. Egypt will become more Sharia compliant, which is bad news for all Christians in Egypt.
Published in American Thinker
Today we see the politics in Egypt in change and the question of the day is “what will happen to the government?” The details cannot be known, but the future will probably be some version of the past a past is driven by Islamic political doctrine.
All Islamic political doctrine is determined by the example of Mohammed. His rise to power was not by winning elections, but in the use of armed force. Mohammed averaged an event of violence on the average of every six weeks for the last nine years of his life. He may have been the prophet of Allah, but his rule was in parallel to other absolute rulers.
Historically, fascism was a political system in power in Italy in the middle twentieth century. Today, the term has come to mean:
• An authoritarian political system with a strong leader who is glorified.Even the casual observer can see that Islam has many of these features.
• Mass demonstrations play a political role.
• Totalitarian rule without an opposing political party.
• Militaristic--advocate the use of force to advance the ideology.
Political Domination
Mohammed is the ideal Islamic leader. He rose to power by force of arms—jihad. Jihad was critical in his rise to total and absolute power.
The Sunna (the perfect example of a Muslim life) of Mohammed is found in the Hadith (Traditions) and Sira (his biography). The three texts, Koran, Sira and Hadith, are named the Trilogy. If it is in the Trilogy, it is Islam. If it is not in the Trilogy, it is not Islam. Here is a chart of how much text is devoted to jihad in the Islamic texts:
Jihad is a large part of Islamic doctrine. It is not a verse or two, but a dominant theme. In his jihad phase, Mohammed attacked his nearest neighbor and then the next nearest. He attacked with propaganda and the sword. This remains Islamic hegemonic political doctrine.
Islam’s political purpose is for the entire world to be under Sharia law. The Elimination of Political Enemies by Force
Islam started as a religious ideology in Mecca, but in Medina it quickly moved to the use of lethal force by men sent out with orders to attack commercial targets, kill, capture and take all wealth. The captured victims were ransomed, executed, enslaved and tortured. The size of the forces ranged from single assassins to small bands and armies.
This military philosophy was so important that it was given a unique name—jihad. What is so brilliant about jihad is its civilizational scope. Armed force was merely the final stage in a system of war against all Kafirs. Jihad is practiced by armed force, speech, writing and cash contributions through charities. (Note: the inner or spiritual jihad is mentioned in less than 2% of texts.)
The graph below shows the efficiency of jihad. The conversion rate went from about ten a year to ten thousand per year.
Islam created the word “assassin”. Mohammed repeatedly used assassins to eliminate his political enemies, including artists and intellectuals. A partial list includes:
| Person | Al Ashraf | Abu Rafi | Marwan’s Dtr. | Abu Afak | Rifaa b. Qays |
| Function | Poet | Poet | Poet | Critic | Tribal Chief |
| Source | Bukhari 5,59,369 | Bukhari 5,59,371 | Ishaq 995 | Ishaq 995 | Ishaq 990 |
Strong Leader
When Mohammed died he did not have an enemy left standing. All Arabs within his horizon were Muslims. He absolutely and completely dominated all political life in a unified Arabia. Mohammed is the perfect example of an Islamic political leader. He was absolute in his power. He was the judge, lawgiver, military leader, intellectual leader, spiritual leader, and political leader.
He rose to power through his own efforts and became the ultimate strongman. He did not leave behind a process for Islam to choose leaders other than imitating his methods.
Nationalism
All Muslims are a part of the umma, the Islamic community or nation. This concept goes beyond the usual geographic boundaries of nation. The al Qaeda idea of restoring the caliphate is based upon going back to a supreme leader who rises to power and rules all Muslims as the global umma.
The umma means that every Muslim living in a Kafir nation has two allegiances—the nation and Islam. Islam demands that a Muslim’s first allegiance is to the umma, not the nation. Therefore, the Islamic version of nationalism is umma-ism.
Mass demonstrations
Islam does mass demonstrations and riots like a symphony orchestra plays Bach. Demonstrations are a political tradition. The Islamic mass demonstration is so common that we do not really see the brilliance and perfection that in their execution. Mass demonstrations and riots are happening in Europe and we will soon feel the pressure of them in America when Islam has greater numbers.
Over time Political Islam dominates every country where Islam was introduced. At some point in the process, street riots, mass rallies and assassinations become part of the political process of domination by Islam, until complete political dominance is achieved.
Israel and Islam
At first Islam was kind to the Jews, but in the end Mohammed exiled, enslaved and annihilated every Jew in Arabia. This is recorded in the Trilogy. Examine the next chart:
There is less Jew hatred in Mein Kampf than in the Trilogy. Hence, Islamic texts can be compared to Mein Kampf. Ask this question: if Egypt becomes more Islamic, as the Muslim Brotherhood wants, what will the new Egyptian policy be towards Israel?
ConclusionIslam has fascist qualities. The next government in Egypt will have a fig leaf of democracy, but if the past is any guide it will be fascist in it implementation and rule. Egypt will become more Sharia compliant, which is bad news for all Christians in Egypt.
Five litres of fuel hit K2000 mark in Lilongwe
The problem of fuel has reached crisis levels in Lilongwe, and fuel (both petrol and diesel) is now selling at K400 per litre, forcing minibus drivers to part ways with K2000 for five litres of the commodity.
This has pushed the minibus fares on such convervative routes as Chigwirizano, Chimsapo and Likuni, among others. These are areas known for their rigidity to change, a development that has meant commuter charges remain off line as other Lilongwe townships have become well-used to coughing K100 no matter where they are dropped.
Now the price has even increased that some townships are paying betwen K110 and K120 for one trip- while in Chigwirizano, people still pay K50, a fare that has slightly increased to K70, now that fuel prices have been adjusted.
Malawi is grappling with the problem of fuel supply, making life difficult for those who depend on the road for survival, commuters, and goods transporters, among others.
It is not clear whether courier services will also follow suit, and up service delivery costs.
Wednesday, February 9, 2011
Fuel shortage hits Lilongwe hard
 |
| President Bingu wa Mutharika: His administration marred by fuel shortages |
At Kawale Filling Station in Lilongwe, visited just some ten minutes ago, Zachimalawi counted 780 vehicles lining up for fuel.
At the City Centre, tyhe problem is the same.
Just yesterday, Zachimalawi visited Capital Hill -the seat of government- and found one the Hummers on President Bingu wa Mutharika's convoy waiting for fuel that was not there at Total Filling Station (located within the premises).
Surely, Mutharika's main challenge has been to get the engines going uninterrupted.
Success achieved in food production and economic growth is being diluted in fuel shortages.
Tuesday, February 8, 2011
Stand in solidarity: Demand an end to the crackdown in Egypt.
Protesters are demanding change but their right to do so peacefully is not being respected. They have been the target of violent attacks by pro-government supporters, while Egyptian authorities have failed to ensure protection of their right to freedom of expression and assembly.
Human rights activists and journalists have also been subjected to a systematic campaign of harassment and detention as part of a brutal crackdown by security forces that included the arrest of two Amnesty International staff. They spent two days in military custody before being freed.
Journalists and human rights activists must be able to carry out their work free from fear of intimidation or harassment. Detaining them cuts off vital access to information and escalates the risk of human rights violations taking place with impunity.
The Egyptian people must be able to make their voices heard and be able to organize peacefully. Vice President Omar Suleiman has been appointed to handle the situation.
Join us in calling on Vice President Omar Suleiman to stop the crackdown in Egypt.
In Solidarity
Online Communities Team
Alaphia, Buddha, El-Mutamid and Jeremy
Find us on Twitter and Facebook at the Activism Centre.
Amnesty International
International Secretariat
1 Easton Street
London, WC1X 0DW
United Kingdom
www.amnesty.org
Ivorian journalists detained without charge; torture alleged
New York, February 7, 2011—The Committee to Protect Journalists is concerned about the well-being of two Ivorian journalists who have been detained without charge for 10 days amid reports that they have been tortured in custody.
Aboubacar Sanogo and Yayoro Charles Lopez Kangbé have been held by the Ivorian military police in Abidjan since January 28, according to local journalists and news reports. The journalists have been described as “rebels” by newspapers supporting Laurent Gbagbo, the incumbent president who has contested November election results that showed him as losing.
Authorities have disclosed no formal charges against the two journalists, and have provided no description or evidence of alleged wrongdoing. No court proceedings have been held or scheduled. The Ivorian constitution prohibits detention without charge beyond 48 hours, according to Ivorian legal experts.
Local journalists said Sanogo and Kangbé produced programs for TV Notre Patrie, a station controlled by Forces Nouvelles rebels who have controlled the north since the outbreak of a civil war that split the country in 2002. Based in the northern city of Bouaké, the station airs news and programs on a frequency of the government-controlled national broadcaster Radiodiffusion-Télévision Ivoirienne (RTI), local journalists told CPJ. Although the station does not have a broadcast license from the government-controlled broadcast regulator, its journalists have interviewed several officials of the Gbagbo government and covered their visits in the Bouaké area, Bouaké journalist Ladji Abou Sanogo told CPJ.
Sanogo and Kangbé were headed to the Golf hotel in Abidjan, the besieged headquarters of opposition leader Alassane Ouattara, for interviews when they were picked up by security forces loyal to Gbagbo, according to news reports. Kenneth Blackman, a spokesman for the U.N. peacekeeping force in Ivory Coast, told local news media that Sanogo and Kangbé were journalists who had flown aboard a U.N. aircraft from Bouaké to Abidjan prior to their arrests.
Brahima Coulibaly, a lawyer defending the journalists, told local media that Sanogo and Kangbé had been beaten with rifle butts and burned with cigarettes while in custody. Idrissa Navoun Soro, another defense lawyer, confirmed those accounts of mistreatment in an interview with CPJ. While police seized broadcasting equipment from the two journalists, the lawyers noted, they did not seize weapons or any evidence of rebel activity.
In response to the allegations of torture, military police spokesman Capt. Ange Nouko told CPJ today that “I am not aware of anything.” Gbagbo's communications minister, Ouattara Gnonzié, did not respond to CPJ’s repeated calls for comment.
“By detaining journalists Aboubacar Sanogo and Yayoro Charles Lopez Kangbé without due process, the Gbagbo government is violating the Ivorian constitution it is swearing to uphold in public,” said CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita. “We call on the administration of President Laurent Gbagbo to release these journalists, to halt mistreatment of them, and to investigate and bring to justice all those responsible for the reported abuse.”
Gbagbo has disputed the results of the November 2010 presidential runoff that showed Ouattara as the clear victor. Those results have been backed by the United Nations and the international community, although the Ivorian Constitutional Court declared Gbagbo as the winner. The Gbagbo government has justified its continued legitimacy by invoking its adherence to the Ivorian constitution, according to CPJ research.
CPJ is also concerned about the status and whereabouts of Wohi Douti and Traoré Salam, two RTI technicians detained on January 5. Gnonzié told CPJ in January that authorities had arrested the two on accusations of “sabotaging” station property. He said one of them had been released but would not identify that person. No formal charges have been filed against the two.
Aboubacar Sanogo and Yayoro Charles Lopez Kangbé have been held by the Ivorian military police in Abidjan since January 28, according to local journalists and news reports. The journalists have been described as “rebels” by newspapers supporting Laurent Gbagbo, the incumbent president who has contested November election results that showed him as losing.
Authorities have disclosed no formal charges against the two journalists, and have provided no description or evidence of alleged wrongdoing. No court proceedings have been held or scheduled. The Ivorian constitution prohibits detention without charge beyond 48 hours, according to Ivorian legal experts.
Local journalists said Sanogo and Kangbé produced programs for TV Notre Patrie, a station controlled by Forces Nouvelles rebels who have controlled the north since the outbreak of a civil war that split the country in 2002. Based in the northern city of Bouaké, the station airs news and programs on a frequency of the government-controlled national broadcaster Radiodiffusion-Télévision Ivoirienne (RTI), local journalists told CPJ. Although the station does not have a broadcast license from the government-controlled broadcast regulator, its journalists have interviewed several officials of the Gbagbo government and covered their visits in the Bouaké area, Bouaké journalist Ladji Abou Sanogo told CPJ.
Sanogo and Kangbé were headed to the Golf hotel in Abidjan, the besieged headquarters of opposition leader Alassane Ouattara, for interviews when they were picked up by security forces loyal to Gbagbo, according to news reports. Kenneth Blackman, a spokesman for the U.N. peacekeeping force in Ivory Coast, told local news media that Sanogo and Kangbé were journalists who had flown aboard a U.N. aircraft from Bouaké to Abidjan prior to their arrests.
Brahima Coulibaly, a lawyer defending the journalists, told local media that Sanogo and Kangbé had been beaten with rifle butts and burned with cigarettes while in custody. Idrissa Navoun Soro, another defense lawyer, confirmed those accounts of mistreatment in an interview with CPJ. While police seized broadcasting equipment from the two journalists, the lawyers noted, they did not seize weapons or any evidence of rebel activity.
In response to the allegations of torture, military police spokesman Capt. Ange Nouko told CPJ today that “I am not aware of anything.” Gbagbo's communications minister, Ouattara Gnonzié, did not respond to CPJ’s repeated calls for comment.
“By detaining journalists Aboubacar Sanogo and Yayoro Charles Lopez Kangbé without due process, the Gbagbo government is violating the Ivorian constitution it is swearing to uphold in public,” said CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita. “We call on the administration of President Laurent Gbagbo to release these journalists, to halt mistreatment of them, and to investigate and bring to justice all those responsible for the reported abuse.”
Gbagbo has disputed the results of the November 2010 presidential runoff that showed Ouattara as the clear victor. Those results have been backed by the United Nations and the international community, although the Ivorian Constitutional Court declared Gbagbo as the winner. The Gbagbo government has justified its continued legitimacy by invoking its adherence to the Ivorian constitution, according to CPJ research.
CPJ is also concerned about the status and whereabouts of Wohi Douti and Traoré Salam, two RTI technicians detained on January 5. Gnonzié told CPJ in January that authorities had arrested the two on accusations of “sabotaging” station property. He said one of them had been released but would not identify that person. No formal charges have been filed against the two.
Ivorian journalists detained without charge; torture alleged
The Committee to Protect Journalists is concerned about the well-being of two Ivorian journalists who have been detained without charge for 10 days amid reports that they have been tortured in custody.
Aboubacar Sanogo and Yayoro Charles Lopez Kangbé have been held by the Ivorian military police in Abidjan since January 28, according to local journalists and news reports. The journalists have been described as “rebels” by newspapers supporting Laurent Gbagbo, the incumbent president who has contested November election results that showed him as losing.
Authorities have disclosed no formal charges against the two journalists, and have provided no description or evidence of alleged wrongdoing. No court proceedings have been held or scheduled. The Ivorian constitution prohibits detention without charge beyond 48 hours, according to Ivorian legal experts.
Local journalists said Sanogo and Kangbé produced programs for TV Notre Patrie, a station controlled by Forces Nouvelles rebels who have controlled the north since the outbreak of a civil war that split the country in 2002. Based in the northern city of Bouaké, the station airs news and programs on a frequency of the government-controlled national broadcaster Radiodiffusion-Télévision Ivoirienne (RTI), local journalists told CPJ. Although the station does not have a broadcast license from the government-controlled broadcast regulator, its journalists have interviewed several officials of the Gbagbo government and covered their visits in the Bouaké area, Bouaké journalist Ladji Abou Sanogo told CPJ.
Sanogo and Kangbé were headed to the Golf hotel in Abidjan, the besieged headquarters of opposition leader Alassane Ouattara, for interviews when they were picked up by security forces loyal to Gbagbo, according to news reports. Kenneth Blackman, a spokesman for the U.N. peacekeeping force in Ivory Coast, told local news media that Sanogo and Kangbé were journalists who had flown aboard a U.N. aircraft from Bouaké to Abidjan prior to their arrests.
Brahima Coulibaly, a lawyer defending the journalists, told local media that Sanogo and Kangbé had been beaten with rifle butts and burned with cigarettes while in custody. Idrissa Navoun Soro, another defense lawyer, confirmed those accounts of mistreatment in an interview with CPJ. While police seized broadcasting equipment from the two journalists, the lawyers noted, they did not seize weapons or any evidence of rebel activity.
In response to the allegations of torture, military police spokesman Capt. Ange Nouko told CPJ today that “I am not aware of anything.” Gbagbo's communications minister, Ouattara Gnonzié, did not respond to CPJ’s repeated calls for comment.
“By detaining journalists Aboubacar Sanogo and Yayoro Charles Lopez Kangbé without due process, the Gbagbo government is violating the Ivorian constitution it is swearing to uphold in public,” said CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita. “We call on the administration of President Laurent Gbagbo to release these journalists, to halt mistreatment of them, and to investigate and bring to justice all those responsible for the reported abuse.”
Gbagbo has disputed the results of the November 2010 presidential runoff that showed Ouattara as the clear victor. Those results have been backed by the United Nations and the international community, although the Ivorian Constitutional Court declared Gbagbo as the winner. The Gbagbo government has justified its continued legitimacy by invoking its adherence to the Ivorian constitution, according to CPJ research.
CPJ is also concerned about the status and whereabouts of Wohi Douti and Traoré Salam, two RTI technicians detained on January 5. Gnonzié told CPJ in January that authorities had arrested the two on accusations of “sabotaging” station property. He said one of them had been released but would not identify that person. No formal charges have been filed against the two.
Aboubacar Sanogo and Yayoro Charles Lopez Kangbé have been held by the Ivorian military police in Abidjan since January 28, according to local journalists and news reports. The journalists have been described as “rebels” by newspapers supporting Laurent Gbagbo, the incumbent president who has contested November election results that showed him as losing.
Authorities have disclosed no formal charges against the two journalists, and have provided no description or evidence of alleged wrongdoing. No court proceedings have been held or scheduled. The Ivorian constitution prohibits detention without charge beyond 48 hours, according to Ivorian legal experts.
Local journalists said Sanogo and Kangbé produced programs for TV Notre Patrie, a station controlled by Forces Nouvelles rebels who have controlled the north since the outbreak of a civil war that split the country in 2002. Based in the northern city of Bouaké, the station airs news and programs on a frequency of the government-controlled national broadcaster Radiodiffusion-Télévision Ivoirienne (RTI), local journalists told CPJ. Although the station does not have a broadcast license from the government-controlled broadcast regulator, its journalists have interviewed several officials of the Gbagbo government and covered their visits in the Bouaké area, Bouaké journalist Ladji Abou Sanogo told CPJ.
Sanogo and Kangbé were headed to the Golf hotel in Abidjan, the besieged headquarters of opposition leader Alassane Ouattara, for interviews when they were picked up by security forces loyal to Gbagbo, according to news reports. Kenneth Blackman, a spokesman for the U.N. peacekeeping force in Ivory Coast, told local news media that Sanogo and Kangbé were journalists who had flown aboard a U.N. aircraft from Bouaké to Abidjan prior to their arrests.
Brahima Coulibaly, a lawyer defending the journalists, told local media that Sanogo and Kangbé had been beaten with rifle butts and burned with cigarettes while in custody. Idrissa Navoun Soro, another defense lawyer, confirmed those accounts of mistreatment in an interview with CPJ. While police seized broadcasting equipment from the two journalists, the lawyers noted, they did not seize weapons or any evidence of rebel activity.
In response to the allegations of torture, military police spokesman Capt. Ange Nouko told CPJ today that “I am not aware of anything.” Gbagbo's communications minister, Ouattara Gnonzié, did not respond to CPJ’s repeated calls for comment.
“By detaining journalists Aboubacar Sanogo and Yayoro Charles Lopez Kangbé without due process, the Gbagbo government is violating the Ivorian constitution it is swearing to uphold in public,” said CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita. “We call on the administration of President Laurent Gbagbo to release these journalists, to halt mistreatment of them, and to investigate and bring to justice all those responsible for the reported abuse.”
Gbagbo has disputed the results of the November 2010 presidential runoff that showed Ouattara as the clear victor. Those results have been backed by the United Nations and the international community, although the Ivorian Constitutional Court declared Gbagbo as the winner. The Gbagbo government has justified its continued legitimacy by invoking its adherence to the Ivorian constitution, according to CPJ research.
CPJ is also concerned about the status and whereabouts of Wohi Douti and Traoré Salam, two RTI technicians detained on January 5. Gnonzié told CPJ in January that authorities had arrested the two on accusations of “sabotaging” station property. He said one of them had been released but would not identify that person. No formal charges have been filed against the two.
Today's surprise
A Hummer belonging to President Bingu wa Mutharika's Presidential convoy lining up for fuel at Capital Hill's Total Filling Station from 12 pm to 05:29pm.
Apparently, the filling station has run out of fuel, and this is yet another indication that the fuel shortage currently facing Malawi has hit Mutharika's fuel tanks, too.
Apparently, the filling station has run out of fuel, and this is yet another indication that the fuel shortage currently facing Malawi has hit Mutharika's fuel tanks, too.
Saturday, February 5, 2011
Blood Scarcity Forces Dedza District Hospital Officials Into Blood-Selling Business
Officials at Dedza District Hospital in Central Malawi have taken advantage of blood scarcity in the district, and are now selling blood to expectant mothers at exorbitant prices.
This contravenes blood donation principles as, basically, blood transfusion is free.
The Malawi Blood Transfusion Service (MBTS), the institution mandated with the task of collecting blood from the general public, collects blood for free, and has been working with the European Union to raise public awareness about the importance of donating blood.
Collected blood is then tested and sent to various institutions, including district hospitals such as Dedza.
However, Dedza District Hospital officials are taking advantage of blood scarcity at the institution, as well as high blood demand among pregnant women, to charge exorbitant prices.
Zachimalawi visited the facility on Friday, after receiving reports of blood sales at the district hospital, and our findings were shocking.
Just the previous day, Thursday, a senior official at the hospital held meetings with 15 pregnant women- 11 of whom are expected to under-go caesarian operation this coming Monday- in which he told them point-blank to either pay for blood, or find their own means to get such blood.
Most of the women interviewed from 12pm to 1 pm on Friday (20 women in total) told Zachimalawi they could not manage to buy blood.
Most of them depend on hospital meals (typically, Nsima and beans; with occasional vegetables that almost always run short mid-way through the patients' beds); walk bare-footed, as a pair of shoes is virtually a luxury; wear dirty wrappings, in face of high soap prices; and nurse swollen faces and legs, apparently due to anaemia.
It was clear that, despite recent National Statistic Office (NSO) findings that 62 per cent of the Malawian population has now jumped over the poverty (One United States Dollar-a-day poverty threshold), poverty still reigns surpreme in Dedza- one of Malawi's backwater districts.
It was also clear that demanding money from these poor women is pegging the cost of health services abit higher, and out of the rich, for Malawi's poor.
Zachimalawi can reveal that, as of Friday, blood prices were as follows:
100 pints of blood: K1000
200 pints of blood: K2,000
300 pints of blood: K4,000
400 pints of blood: K6,000
500 pints of blood: K8,500
1000 pints of blood:K12,000
Zachimalawi could, however, not establish the cost of blood above 1000 pints.
Two women approached Zachimalawi for financial assistance, and Zachimalawi promised to visit again this Monday, with the said funds.
More details about the sale of blood (which is supposed to be free, anyway) at Dedza District Hospital will be furnished this week, after Zachimalawi's intended next visit on Monday.
Zachimalawi can also promise that we will try as much as possible to get the names of the officials propagating the practice next week. If possible, we will even publish their photos on this Blog.
The practices at Dedza District Hospital contravene MBTS's assurance that blood donated is distributed to needy patients for free, and raises fears that blood donations may be misused in many other ways in public hospitals.
FACTS ABOUT DEDZA
The timezone in Dedza District is Africa/Blantyre
Sunrise at 05:36 and Sunset at 18:16. It's light
Latitude. -14.1666667°, Longitude. 34.3333333°
Where is Dedza District?Full-screenDedza District
Population 526771
Dedza is a district in the Central Region of Malawi. It covers an area of 3,624 km.² to the south of the Malawi capital, Lilongwe, between Mozambique and Lake Malawi.
The western part of the district is on the Central African Plateau at an altitude of 1200 to 1600m. Higher mountain ranges separate this from land alongside Lake Malawi in the Rift Valley at 500m. The landscape is a mixture of grassland with granite outcrops, natural woodland and commercial pine plantations on the mountains and some bamboo forest nearer the Lake. The wet season is November to April with almost no rainfall at other times. The higher altitudes have moderate temperatures and can be cold in June and July.
The main town is Dedza Township located on the M1 road 85km south of Lilongwe. The town has banks, post office, petrol stations, accommodation and a range of shops. There are smaller market towns with a post office, police station, shops and market - Lobi, Linthipe, Mayani, Mtakataka. Most of the people live in rural villages as subsistence farmers.
The M1 road linking Lilongwe with Blantyre runs through the centre of the District. The M5 Salima to Balaka road runs parallel to the Lake and the S126 Masasa to Golomoti road joins the two just south of the district boundary. The western part of the district has no major roads.
The initial results of the 2008 census put the population of the district at 623,789, an increase of 28% over the 1998 figure.
The district has 8 parliamentary constituencies and 32 wards that elect members to the Dedza District Assembly - the local government authority. There are 8 Traditional Authority Areas headed by chiefs and Dedza Township has its own Assembly.
Apart from a commercial rice growing project at the side of Lake Malawi, agriculture is family based smallholdings. Larger businesses are limited to Paragon Ceramics (floor and roof tiles, Dedza Pottery ceramics), WICO Sawmill and a rose grower.
There are a number of tourist attractions in the district. There are four forest reserves - Dedza-Salima, Chongoni, Dedza Mountain and Mua-Livulezi. Chongoni has a UNESCO World Heritage listed rock art site. Dedza Pottery[1] (http://www.dedzapottery.com) is famous for its coffee shop and ceramics and has accommodation. The Kungoni Cultural Centre at Mua[2] (http://www.kungoni.org) has a museum that displays the cultural heritage of the tribes of central Malawi, a wood carving school and accommodation.
Dedza District is linked with Norwich, UK by a UK based charity - the Norwich-Dedza Partnerhip[3] (http://www.norwich-dedza.org) . The Partnership supports education, health, agriculture, tourism development and public sector organisations thorugh volunteer workers, supply of computers and other materials and small scale funding.
Geographic features & Photographs around Dedza District, in Dedza, Malawi
populated place; a city, town, village, or other agglomeration of buildings where people live and work.
•Cikosi (0km)
•Pango (4.7km)
•Kumbande (6.7km)
•Ntiwe (6.7km)
•Chiwamba (9.4km)
•Chimpando (17.1km)
•Ciluzi (17.1km)
•Kanyenda (17.3km)
•Nyenda (18.8km)
•Caera (19.3km)
•Kanyama (19.3km)
•Mtemwende (19.5km)
•Mwape (19.9km)
•Mbokosa (19.9km)
•Kumpatola (19.9km)
•Kungungwe (20.2km)
•Nzola (21.2km)
•Mkoma (21.5km)
•Kapesi (21.5km)
•Nkalyapa (23.9km)
•Masinja (24.6km)
•Nsamba (25.9km)
•Nkomeko (25.9km)
•Kankomba (27km)
•Tewesya (27.7km)
•Maganitsa (29km)
•Citundu (30.4km)
•Tomo (30.5km)
•Nhokopo (32.2km)
•Kafafwa (32.2km)
•Mphata-Milonde (33km)
•Gwengwe (35km)
•Chipe (35.1km)
•Chipasi (36.7km)
•Chuosa (36.7km)
•Nawoza (36.7km)
•Kyinge (37.1km)
•Kangunda (37.1km)
•Magenga (37.3km)
•Ndembo (37.3km)
•Kasumbu (39km)
hill; a rounded elevation of limited extent rising above the surrounding land with local relief of less than 300m.
•Chitana Hill (17.3km)
•Mnanda (21.2km)
•Nguwo (21.5km)
•Kapesa Hill (21.5km)
•Dadzi (30.4km)
•Kanyungu Hill (30.5km)
•Nankhanga Hill (37.2km)
stream; a body of running water moving to a lower level in a channel on land.
•Namsitsi (13.5km)
•Monje (15.2km)
•Mwenda-enda (15.2km)
•Nkhonde (34.3km)
•Bimbisi (36.7km)
mountain; an elevation standing high above the surrounding area with small summit area, steep slopes and local relief of 300m or more.
•Mlunduni Hill (23.8km)
•Kalomo Hill (27km)
•Milonde Hill (33km)
•Namzezi Hill (33.8km)
first-order administrative division; a primary administrative division of a country, such as a state in the United States.
•Dedza District (0km)
Accommodation around Dedza District
TravelingLuck Hotels
Availability and bookings
forest reserve; a forested area set aside for preservation or controlled use.
•Mua Livulezi Forest Reserve (38.9km)
mission; a place characterized by dwellings, school, church, hospital and other facilities operated by a religious group for the purpose of providing charitable services and to propagate religion.
•Mayani Mission (30.4km)
estate(s); a large commercialized agricultural landholding with associated buildings and other facilities.
•Msitu wa Longwe Estate (9.4km)
Airfields or small airports close to Dedza District
Ulongwe in Mozambique: (156.8km)
Dedza District (marked Red) is in the midist of a blood supplies' crisis that some district hospital officials are cashing on
To make matters worse, there are no receipts issued to blood buyers as senior hospital officials are pocketing the money.This contravenes blood donation principles as, basically, blood transfusion is free.
The Malawi Blood Transfusion Service (MBTS), the institution mandated with the task of collecting blood from the general public, collects blood for free, and has been working with the European Union to raise public awareness about the importance of donating blood.
Collected blood is then tested and sent to various institutions, including district hospitals such as Dedza.
However, Dedza District Hospital officials are taking advantage of blood scarcity at the institution, as well as high blood demand among pregnant women, to charge exorbitant prices.
Zachimalawi visited the facility on Friday, after receiving reports of blood sales at the district hospital, and our findings were shocking.
Just the previous day, Thursday, a senior official at the hospital held meetings with 15 pregnant women- 11 of whom are expected to under-go caesarian operation this coming Monday- in which he told them point-blank to either pay for blood, or find their own means to get such blood.
Most of the women interviewed from 12pm to 1 pm on Friday (20 women in total) told Zachimalawi they could not manage to buy blood.
Most of them depend on hospital meals (typically, Nsima and beans; with occasional vegetables that almost always run short mid-way through the patients' beds); walk bare-footed, as a pair of shoes is virtually a luxury; wear dirty wrappings, in face of high soap prices; and nurse swollen faces and legs, apparently due to anaemia.
It was clear that, despite recent National Statistic Office (NSO) findings that 62 per cent of the Malawian population has now jumped over the poverty (One United States Dollar-a-day poverty threshold), poverty still reigns surpreme in Dedza- one of Malawi's backwater districts.
It was also clear that demanding money from these poor women is pegging the cost of health services abit higher, and out of the rich, for Malawi's poor.
Zachimalawi can reveal that, as of Friday, blood prices were as follows:
100 pints of blood: K1000
200 pints of blood: K2,000
300 pints of blood: K4,000
400 pints of blood: K6,000
500 pints of blood: K8,500
1000 pints of blood:K12,000
Zachimalawi could, however, not establish the cost of blood above 1000 pints.
Two women approached Zachimalawi for financial assistance, and Zachimalawi promised to visit again this Monday, with the said funds.
More details about the sale of blood (which is supposed to be free, anyway) at Dedza District Hospital will be furnished this week, after Zachimalawi's intended next visit on Monday.
Zachimalawi can also promise that we will try as much as possible to get the names of the officials propagating the practice next week. If possible, we will even publish their photos on this Blog.
The practices at Dedza District Hospital contravene MBTS's assurance that blood donated is distributed to needy patients for free, and raises fears that blood donations may be misused in many other ways in public hospitals.
FACTS ABOUT DEDZA
The timezone in Dedza District is Africa/Blantyre
Sunrise at 05:36 and Sunset at 18:16. It's light
Latitude. -14.1666667°, Longitude. 34.3333333°
Where is Dedza District?Full-screenDedza District
Population 526771
Dedza is a district in the Central Region of Malawi. It covers an area of 3,624 km.² to the south of the Malawi capital, Lilongwe, between Mozambique and Lake Malawi.
The western part of the district is on the Central African Plateau at an altitude of 1200 to 1600m. Higher mountain ranges separate this from land alongside Lake Malawi in the Rift Valley at 500m. The landscape is a mixture of grassland with granite outcrops, natural woodland and commercial pine plantations on the mountains and some bamboo forest nearer the Lake. The wet season is November to April with almost no rainfall at other times. The higher altitudes have moderate temperatures and can be cold in June and July.
The main town is Dedza Township located on the M1 road 85km south of Lilongwe. The town has banks, post office, petrol stations, accommodation and a range of shops. There are smaller market towns with a post office, police station, shops and market - Lobi, Linthipe, Mayani, Mtakataka. Most of the people live in rural villages as subsistence farmers.
The M1 road linking Lilongwe with Blantyre runs through the centre of the District. The M5 Salima to Balaka road runs parallel to the Lake and the S126 Masasa to Golomoti road joins the two just south of the district boundary. The western part of the district has no major roads.
The initial results of the 2008 census put the population of the district at 623,789, an increase of 28% over the 1998 figure.
The district has 8 parliamentary constituencies and 32 wards that elect members to the Dedza District Assembly - the local government authority. There are 8 Traditional Authority Areas headed by chiefs and Dedza Township has its own Assembly.
Apart from a commercial rice growing project at the side of Lake Malawi, agriculture is family based smallholdings. Larger businesses are limited to Paragon Ceramics (floor and roof tiles, Dedza Pottery ceramics), WICO Sawmill and a rose grower.
There are a number of tourist attractions in the district. There are four forest reserves - Dedza-Salima, Chongoni, Dedza Mountain and Mua-Livulezi. Chongoni has a UNESCO World Heritage listed rock art site. Dedza Pottery[1] (http://www.dedzapottery.com) is famous for its coffee shop and ceramics and has accommodation. The Kungoni Cultural Centre at Mua[2] (http://www.kungoni.org) has a museum that displays the cultural heritage of the tribes of central Malawi, a wood carving school and accommodation.
Dedza District is linked with Norwich, UK by a UK based charity - the Norwich-Dedza Partnerhip[3] (http://www.norwich-dedza.org) . The Partnership supports education, health, agriculture, tourism development and public sector organisations thorugh volunteer workers, supply of computers and other materials and small scale funding.
Geographic features & Photographs around Dedza District, in Dedza, Malawi
populated place; a city, town, village, or other agglomeration of buildings where people live and work.
•Cikosi (0km)
•Pango (4.7km)
•Kumbande (6.7km)
•Ntiwe (6.7km)
•Chiwamba (9.4km)
•Chimpando (17.1km)
•Ciluzi (17.1km)
•Kanyenda (17.3km)
•Nyenda (18.8km)
•Caera (19.3km)
•Kanyama (19.3km)
•Mtemwende (19.5km)
•Mwape (19.9km)
•Mbokosa (19.9km)
•Kumpatola (19.9km)
•Kungungwe (20.2km)
•Nzola (21.2km)
•Mkoma (21.5km)
•Kapesi (21.5km)
•Nkalyapa (23.9km)
•Masinja (24.6km)
•Nsamba (25.9km)
•Nkomeko (25.9km)
•Kankomba (27km)
•Tewesya (27.7km)
•Maganitsa (29km)
•Citundu (30.4km)
•Tomo (30.5km)
•Nhokopo (32.2km)
•Kafafwa (32.2km)
•Mphata-Milonde (33km)
•Gwengwe (35km)
•Chipe (35.1km)
•Chipasi (36.7km)
•Chuosa (36.7km)
•Nawoza (36.7km)
•Kyinge (37.1km)
•Kangunda (37.1km)
•Magenga (37.3km)
•Ndembo (37.3km)
•Kasumbu (39km)
hill; a rounded elevation of limited extent rising above the surrounding land with local relief of less than 300m.
•Chitana Hill (17.3km)
•Mnanda (21.2km)
•Nguwo (21.5km)
•Kapesa Hill (21.5km)
•Dadzi (30.4km)
•Kanyungu Hill (30.5km)
•Nankhanga Hill (37.2km)
stream; a body of running water moving to a lower level in a channel on land.
•Namsitsi (13.5km)
•Monje (15.2km)
•Mwenda-enda (15.2km)
•Nkhonde (34.3km)
•Bimbisi (36.7km)
mountain; an elevation standing high above the surrounding area with small summit area, steep slopes and local relief of 300m or more.
•Mlunduni Hill (23.8km)
•Kalomo Hill (27km)
•Milonde Hill (33km)
•Namzezi Hill (33.8km)
first-order administrative division; a primary administrative division of a country, such as a state in the United States.
•Dedza District (0km)
Accommodation around Dedza District
TravelingLuck Hotels
Availability and bookings
forest reserve; a forested area set aside for preservation or controlled use.
•Mua Livulezi Forest Reserve (38.9km)
mission; a place characterized by dwellings, school, church, hospital and other facilities operated by a religious group for the purpose of providing charitable services and to propagate religion.
•Mayani Mission (30.4km)
estate(s); a large commercialized agricultural landholding with associated buildings and other facilities.
•Msitu wa Longwe Estate (9.4km)
Ulongwe in Mozambique: (156.8km)
Only Nine Mosquito Nets in Dedza District Hospital's Martenity Ward
Dedza, a district in Central Malawi, is running short of mosquito nets in its Martenity Wing, putting pregnant women at risk of catching Malaria- one of Africa's ruthless killer diseases.
A visit to the hospital on Friday revealed that, out of 50 beds in the Martenity Ward, only nine had mosquito nets. As if that were not enough, the ward is also congested to the effect that 20 more women sleep on the floor, and without the life-protecting mosquito nets.
In face of the problem, hospital officials have deviced a way of beating mosquitoes: using insecticides to kill mosquitoes.
Observers have questioned this intervention, saying it is not sustainable due to its high cost nature.
Officials at the hospital acknowledged that the institution was facing problems sourcing mosquito nets.
However, they also accused patients of vandalising and sltealing hospital property, including mosquito nets.
One senior official said 40 mosquito nets have either gone missing, or been stolen by expectant mothers over the past eight months, forcing hospital officials to shelve plans to call for new mosquito net supplies from the central government.
Dedza District
The western part of the district is on the Central African Plateau at an altitude of 1200 to 1600m. Higher mountain ranges separate this from land alongside Lake Malawi in the Rift Valley at 500m. The landscape is a mixture of grassland with granite outcrops, natural woodland and commercial pine plantations on the mountains and some bamboo forest nearer the Lake. The wet season is November to April with almost no rainfall at other times. The higher altitudes have moderate temperatures and can be cold in June and July.
The main town is Dedza Township located on the M1 road 85km south of Lilongwe. The town has banks, post office, petrol stations, accommodation and a range of shops. There are smaller market towns with a post office, police station, shops and market - Lobi, Linthipe, Mayani, Mtakataka. Most of the people live in rural villages as subsistence farmers.
The M1 road linking Lilongwe with Blantyre runs through the centre of the District. The M5 Salima to Balaka road runs parallel to the Lake and the S126 Masasa to Golomoti road joins the two just south of the district boundary. The western part of the district has no major roads.
The initial results of the 2008 census put the population of the district at 623,789, an increase of 28% over the 1998 figure.
The district has 8 parliamentary constituencies and 32 wards that elect members to the Dedza District Assembly - the local government authority. There are 8 Traditional Authority Areas headed by chiefs and Dedza Township has its own Assembly.
Apart from a commercial rice growing project at the side of Lake Malawi, agriculture is family based smallholdings. Larger businesses are limited to Paragon Ceramics (floor and roof tiles, Dedza Pottery ceramics), WICO Sawmill and a rose grower.
There are a number of tourist attractions in the district. There are four forest reserves - Dedza-Salima, Chongoni, Dedza Mountain and Mua-Livulezi. Chongoni has a UNESCO World Heritage listed rock art site. Dedza Pottery[1] (http://www.dedzapottery.com) is famous for its coffee shop and ceramics and has accommodation. The Kungoni Cultural Centre at Mua[2] (http://www.kungoni.org) has a museum that displays the cultural heritage of the tribes of central Malawi, a wood carving school and accommodation.
Dedza District is linked with Norwich, UK by a UK based charity - the Norwich-Dedza Partnerhip[3] (http://www.norwich-dedza.org) . The Partnership supports education, health, agriculture, tourism development and public sector organisations thorugh volunteer workers, supply of computers and other materials and small scale funding.
A visit to the hospital on Friday revealed that, out of 50 beds in the Martenity Ward, only nine had mosquito nets. As if that were not enough, the ward is also congested to the effect that 20 more women sleep on the floor, and without the life-protecting mosquito nets.
In face of the problem, hospital officials have deviced a way of beating mosquitoes: using insecticides to kill mosquitoes.
Observers have questioned this intervention, saying it is not sustainable due to its high cost nature.
Officials at the hospital acknowledged that the institution was facing problems sourcing mosquito nets.
However, they also accused patients of vandalising and sltealing hospital property, including mosquito nets.
One senior official said 40 mosquito nets have either gone missing, or been stolen by expectant mothers over the past eight months, forcing hospital officials to shelve plans to call for new mosquito net supplies from the central government.
Dedza District
Dedza District (in red): Facing Many Health Challenges
Dedza is a district in the Central Region of Malawi. It covers an area of 3,624 km.² to the south of the Malawi capital, Lilongwe, between Mozambique and Lake Malawi.The western part of the district is on the Central African Plateau at an altitude of 1200 to 1600m. Higher mountain ranges separate this from land alongside Lake Malawi in the Rift Valley at 500m. The landscape is a mixture of grassland with granite outcrops, natural woodland and commercial pine plantations on the mountains and some bamboo forest nearer the Lake. The wet season is November to April with almost no rainfall at other times. The higher altitudes have moderate temperatures and can be cold in June and July.
The main town is Dedza Township located on the M1 road 85km south of Lilongwe. The town has banks, post office, petrol stations, accommodation and a range of shops. There are smaller market towns with a post office, police station, shops and market - Lobi, Linthipe, Mayani, Mtakataka. Most of the people live in rural villages as subsistence farmers.
The M1 road linking Lilongwe with Blantyre runs through the centre of the District. The M5 Salima to Balaka road runs parallel to the Lake and the S126 Masasa to Golomoti road joins the two just south of the district boundary. The western part of the district has no major roads.
The initial results of the 2008 census put the population of the district at 623,789, an increase of 28% over the 1998 figure.
The district has 8 parliamentary constituencies and 32 wards that elect members to the Dedza District Assembly - the local government authority. There are 8 Traditional Authority Areas headed by chiefs and Dedza Township has its own Assembly.
Apart from a commercial rice growing project at the side of Lake Malawi, agriculture is family based smallholdings. Larger businesses are limited to Paragon Ceramics (floor and roof tiles, Dedza Pottery ceramics), WICO Sawmill and a rose grower.
There are a number of tourist attractions in the district. There are four forest reserves - Dedza-Salima, Chongoni, Dedza Mountain and Mua-Livulezi. Chongoni has a UNESCO World Heritage listed rock art site. Dedza Pottery[1] (http://www.dedzapottery.com) is famous for its coffee shop and ceramics and has accommodation. The Kungoni Cultural Centre at Mua[2] (http://www.kungoni.org) has a museum that displays the cultural heritage of the tribes of central Malawi, a wood carving school and accommodation.
Dedza District is linked with Norwich, UK by a UK based charity - the Norwich-Dedza Partnerhip[3] (http://www.norwich-dedza.org) . The Partnership supports education, health, agriculture, tourism development and public sector organisations thorugh volunteer workers, supply of computers and other materials and small scale funding.
Malawi will not criminalise public farting- Government
Justice and Constitutional Affairs Minister, George Chaponda: People should fart responsibly
Justice and Constitutional Affairs Minister, George Chaponda, tells Zachimalawi that the Malawi government has no plans to criminalise public farting, only saying that those who pollute the air with "products or by-products produced through artificial means, and not bodily processes" will face the law.Chaponda has come under a spate of criticism for recently implying that government plans to table a bill that will criminalise public farting, and other offenses relating to air pollution.
This contravenes what Justice and Constitutional Affairs Principal Secretary, Anthony Kamanga, told Zachimalawi on Friday that the proposed law does not, "in any way", cover public farting. Kamanga added that punishing citizens who fart in public would violate human rights and put Malawi at pits against international human rights protocols, charters and principles.
Chaponda, on his part, told Zachimalawi: "I was quoted out of context. Let me state clearly the government of Ngwazi Professor Bingu wa Mutharika has no plans to victimise Malawians and will, therefore, not put in place any act violating human rights. I was quoted completely out of context".
The minister, however, asked Malawians to exercise caution when farting. He said it would be inconsiderate to fart in places such as commuter minibuses, as doing so violates other people's right to "clean air, and a clean environment".
Chaponda's earlier sentiments had raised fears among Malawians that government was out to victimise innocent citizens. Others warned that the said law would affect the country's nascent tourism industry, and industry already grappling with low patronage, high tarriffs, operational challenges, and over-dependency on government departments who patronise such institutions through conferences, seminars, and international meetings.
Kamanga, on the other hand, told Zachimalawi: "It is not true that there is any such proposed law; what I know is that we are having something that will help Malawi deal with air pollution problems. This, to my understanding, does not cover public farting."
Asked if Malawians and, in deed, visitors to Malawi were free to fart anyhow, anywhere, anytime, both Chaponda and Kamanga just laughed, wishing this Blogger well.
Thus ends controversy over one of Malawi's controversial issues: farting.
Culturally, Malawians do not fart openly as doing so is considered a taboo.
However, in Lakeshore districts such as Salima, Nkhatabay, and Mangochi, community members even marvel at white tourists who fart. Community members seem to be abused by a white man or woman who farts loudly and, often, such behaviour will attract a smile or two from the locals.
Thursday, February 3, 2011
On birth (robbed) day, today, I am just wanna thank the first couple for giving us rains this year
This argument is what Kamulepo Kalua gave me yesterday. And I replied that, no, this innocent couple does not say, nor imply, so: all they have done is put in place requisite policies like the farm input subsidy programme; manage the economy well; and let God do the rest (rains).
The result is that we have all been blessed.
And that we all bask in the glory of a hunger-free Malawi.
Whatelse do we need? Visit the private loos at Sanjika or New State House?
That's a joke, for sure, fromm our opposition leaders.
I rest my case; which is President Bingu wa Mutharika and Calista Mutharika's case as well.
They have tried their best. They are trying their best.
Thanks.
Where is our own Jesus, Yesu Matiki, please?
Still in voluntary exile?
No. Actually, Zachimalawi.blogspot.com has an appointment with him this Friday, in Zomba.
However, I have postponed it due to 'unforeseen' circumstances.
I mean, what has happened to me in Lilongwe.
The robbery.
Just like that.
No. Actually, Zachimalawi.blogspot.com has an appointment with him this Friday, in Zomba.
However, I have postponed it due to 'unforeseen' circumstances.
I mean, what has happened to me in Lilongwe.
The robbery.
Just like that.
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