Table of Contents
We, the members of the Malawi Human Rights Commission submit this Report pursuant to section 129 of the Constitution as read with sections 12 and 13(e) of the Human Rights Commission Act and commend the Report and its recommendations to the Government, Parliament and the people of Malawi.
MEMBERS
Mr. John Kapito - Chairperson of MHRC
..........................................
Ambassador Mrs. Sophie Kalinde - Commissioner
……………………………............
Mr. Desmond Kaunda - Commissioner
……………………………..........
Mrs. Veronica Sembereka - Commissioner
............................................
Mr. Marshal Chilenga - Commissioner
..............................................
Mr. Shenard Mazengera - Commissioner
....................................................
Mrs. Gertrude Lynn Hiwa - Law Commissioner
............................................. - Commissioner
Justice Mrs. T. Chizumila (Rtd) - Ombudsman
............................................. - Commissioner
Acronyms
ACHPR: African Charter on Human and People’s Rights
AU: African Union
CCAP: Church of Central African Presbyterian
CSO: Civil Society Organisation
CONGOMA: Council for Non-Governmental Organisations
DC: District Commissioner
DPP: Democratic Progressive Party
FBO: Faith Based Organization
FMB: First Merchant Bank
ICESCR: International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
ICCPR: International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
ICU: Intensive Care Unit
KCH: Kamuzu Central Hospital
MACRA: Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority
MBC: Malawi Broadcasting Corporation
MCP: Malawi Congress Party
MDF: Malawi Defense Force
MHRC: Malawi Human Rights Commission
MIJ: Malawi Institute of Journalism
MK: Malawi Kwacha
MoH: Ministry of Health
MPS: Malawi Police Service
MSB: Malawi Savings Bank
NGO: Non Governmental Organisation
OIBM: Opportunity International Bank of Malawi
OPC: Office of the President and Cabinet
PAC: Public Affairs Committee
PETRA: Peoples Transformation Party
PP: Peoples Party
PPM: Peoples Progressive Movement
UDF: United Democratic Front
UDHR: Universal Declaration of Human Rights
UN: United Nations
QECH: Queen Elizabeth Central Hospital
ZBS: Zodiak Broadcasting Station
1.0 Introduction
The Malawi Human Rights Commission (MHRC) is an autonomous National Human Rights Institution established by section 129 of the Republic of Malawi Constitution as read with section 12 of the Human Rights Commission Act, Chapter 3:08 of the Laws of Malawi. The mandate of MHRC is to protect and promote human rights in Malawi in the broadest sense possible and to investigate violations of human rights on its own motion or upon complaints received from any person, class of persons or body.
MHRC has observed that there have been disagreements between the Government and Civil Society on various issues. The disagreements have led to a conflict situation. The conflict situation culminated in the violence that ensued from the 20th July 2011 Demonstration. The conflict seems to be ongoing with further demonstrations planned for 17th August 2011. It is imperative that various stakeholders should engage in processes for resolution of the conflict using lawful means. The Constitution of Malawi in section 13(l) obliges the State to actively promote the welfare and development of the people of Malawi by progressively adopting and implementing policies and legislation aimed at achieving the goal of peaceful settlement of disputes through putting in place mechanisms by which differences are settled through negotiations, good offices, mediation, conciliation and arbitration.
In view of the above, MHRC convened a special Commissioners meeting to discuss prevailing human rights issues following the 20th July demonstrations. Commissioners resolved to undertake comprehensive investigations into the events surrounding the 20th July demonstrations and the violence that ensued pursuant to its mandate of promotion and protection of human rights and investigation of violations of human rights.
This Report covers the preliminary findings and recommendations of MHRC in the course of its investigations. In circulating widely the information contained in this Report to all stakeholders, MHRC is invoking its promotion and protection mandate by ensuring that all stakeholders are adequately informed before taking any further actions. This would in turn ensure the prevention of further violations of human rights in whatever form and by any persons.
The Report also takes stock of the events surrounding the demonstrations with a view to drawing lessons that should inform further actions by stakeholders. Further, MHRC envisages that the information would facilitate access to effective remedies by affected parties, promote conflict resolution, peace building and dialogue in resolving issues of common concern to all people in Malawi.
This preliminary Report covers the events prior to, during and after the 20th July, 2011 demonstrations. MHRC deployed staff, led by Commissioners, on the ground to investigate and document the demonstration-related violence. This promoted the process of gathering information directly from victims of human rights violations, eyewitnesses and others. Therefore, much of the information contained in this Report is based on information received from MHRC stakeholders, human rights defenders, human rights organizations, civil society organizations, media sources and other individuals, including a large number of victims of human rights violations and eyewitnesses.
The public response to the call by MHRC for information was positive leading to a significant amount of information that will form the basis of a final comprehensive report. However, the information gathered so far has some gaps that require further work. Despite these gaps and further investigations to be done, MHRC notes that the events relating to the demonstration raise a serious human rights situation in Malawi.
The evident breaches of fundamental rights and freedoms in the period under consideration on such a large scale require thorough investigations and, with respect to the perpetrators, full accountability. For these reasons, MHRC will in addition to this preliminary Report, continue with its investigations. Thus MHRC emphasises its call and plea to the Government of Malawi to grant the necessary support and access required for MHRC’s team of investigators to effectively accomplish this important exercise. MHRC intends to provide a more extensive assessment of the human rights situation in Malawi in light of the demonstration-related events in the final comprehensive report.
2.0 Preliminary Findings and Analysis
The ensuing paragraphs outline the key findings of MHRC’s fact finding exercise into the events surrounding the 20th July Demonstrations. The findings pertain to the period before, during and after the Demonstrations.
2.1 The Pre-Demonstrations Period: A Brief Situation Analysis
2.1.1 In order to put the findings and analysis of the events surrounding the 20th July demonstrations and the violence that ensued into a proper perspective, an outline of the background to the period is necessary.
2.1.2 The ensuing paragraphs detail this background which is derived from the Petition that the CSOs presented to authorities on 20th July 2011. The issues were compiled in a petition that CSOs earlier produced and submitted to authorities. The continued existence of the issues variously raised by the CSOs ultimately progressed into the economic, social and political factors that are contributing factors to the 20th July demonstrations and the violence that followed.
2.1.3 The key issues include:
The acute foreign exchange shortage;
The acute fuel shortage;
ElectriCity shortages;
Lack of economic prudence;
Corruption and abuse of power;
Disrespect of the rule of law
Deliberate efforts to avoid or interrupt the holding of Local Government Elections
The University of Malawi crisis (failure to resolve the current stalemate between the University Council and its two constituent Colleges) and
Political intolerance and violence
2.1.5 Much as the issues are non-violent, they have negative implications for human rights, human security and development, are structural and embedded in socio-economic, legal and political sectors and are a manifestation of poor economic and democratic governance.
2.1.6 In light of these issues, the CSOs made the following demands as recommendations
.Sell the Presidential jet and minimise all foreign trips by the Head of State;
.Ban all importation of luxury cars (M/benz, Limousines, and Luxurious 4x4s). Any new cars for the President, Ministers or State Officials must reflect our impoverished state and should thus not be as ostentatious as in the past;
.All foreign trips by Ministers and State officials must be severely curtailed forthwith;
.Superfluous costs such as the new 'eavesdropping' machine being installed at a cost of US$6 million at MACRA merely to assuage creeping paranoia in an unconstitutional manner must be discontinued and reversed forthwith;
Zimbabwe must immediately repay the US$20 million that has long been outstanding for food supplied by Malawi. The payment can be made in cash or in fuel;
.Scrutinise all fertiliser imports for the previous year to track the fairness of the pricing – all those who have inflated their costings must be brought to book and penalised for the full amount of overpricing as well as harsh penalties for committing the crime.
.Scrutinise all fuel imports for overpricing practices and bring the perpetrators to book. All forex gained through such malpractices must be returned to Malawi immediately;
Massive fuel importers such as Paladin (usage: 3,000 litres diesel per day) must use their own forex reserves to bring in their fuel and should not drain Malawi's scarce reserves;
.Allow independent importation of fuel by any entrepreneur who has the means – this will break the stranglehold monopoly of PIL and open the market for free competition;
.Paladin's exports of 'yellow cake' must be checked to ensure that a fair market price is being charged and the proceeds are being brought back to Malawi without any transfer pricing;
.Gemstone exports must be monitored closely by trained experts to ensure that fair values are being declared. Malawi may have been short changed for decades in this area due to lack of capaCity and negligence;
It may be necessary, in the short term, to listen to the IMF and devalue our currency in order to gain their approval which would then open the doors for other Donors to come in and pump much needed forex into our flagging economy. The inflationary aspects of this can be countered by other anti inflationary measures.
It is essential to immediately mend fences with our long term development partners, the British Government by apologising for the diplomatic faux pas and making amends. Their contribution to our economy is too significant to shrug off with cavalier disdain – especially when it means that the poorest sections of society will be worst afflicted by the suspension of British aid.
The bloated Cabinet must be trimmed to 14 members and their allowances of fuel and air time adjusted to reasonable levels with immediate effect;
2.1.7 The CSOs proposed the time frame for the implementation of the recommendations as follows
Within reasonable time adopt measures and actions so that there is availability of and access to forex.
Within reasonable time adopt special measures to avail adequate forex to Petroleum Importers Limited and other suppliers so that they are able to import fuel without interruption.
Within reasonable time the ESCOM board and top management should be replaced with independent experts who, within 3 months, must demonstrate that the acute electriCity shortages have begun to reverse.
In addition, form a consultative forum which solicits input from all stakeholders who may have valuable information, ideas and new concepts with which to tackle the issues of capaCity and cost of power generation;
Within reasonable time the Anti corruption Bureau should commence an investigation of all people implicated in the recent Malawi Housing house sale scandal.
The Anti Corruption Bureau should start investigating ALL Cabinet Ministers and public servants on the unexplained wealth that some seem to have accumulated whilst holding office. The Penal Code calls upon all citizens to explain the source of their wealth, All moneys stolen should be returned.
Within 1 month; The President should fully declare his assets, explaining sources of funds to acquire and develop Ndata farm.
The First Lady's contract should be nullified and all earnings refunded back to Government.
The Law Commission should set up a special law commission to revisit the Penal Code and the Injunctions Bill, which should lead to submission of recommendations within reasonable time.
The President should demonstrate good faith towards the Office of the Vice President, starting by returning her official motorcade.
The Government should commit to hold Local Government Elections and not in 2014 as announced.
The University Council should immediately reinstate the four lecturers dismissed during the academic freedom stalemate, and issue a statement committing that no spies will be allowed in lecture rooms.
Issue a circular nullifying the instruction to require a deposit of MK 2, 000,000 for mass demonstrations.
Immediately stop unfair usage of MBCTV public broadcaster and television to castigate and threaten those with dissenting views.
Immediately stop of disregarding of court orders by the Executive arm of Government
Immediately provide drugs in all hospitals and clinics as lack of drugs is frustrating health/care workers and patients.
Immediately look at addressing health human resource for Nurses.
Immediately address incentives of Nurses as of 300 have not been paid their allowances for 3 years now.
To consider living wage as opposed to minimum wage and living wage raised to MK25, 000 a month.
We demand decent jobs and conditions for all workers
We demand social protection system for the good of welfare of Malawians
2.1.8 The Government’s failure to correct or to be seen as earnestly attending to these issues contributed to increasing levels of disgruntlement in the citizenry.
In some cases, the Government actually issued out statements that made it to appear to have taken defensive or safe-saving stances leading to a buildup of discontentment on the part of the Malawi populace. For instance, in a national address that the President made relating to some of these concerns, he virtually absolved the Government of any responsibility and pushed blame for the various issues of concern such as the fuel shortages, scarcity of forex, and calls for the devaluation of Kwacha on other players such as fuel haulage companies, Commercial Banks, Forex Bureaus, the IMF among others.
2.1.9 The period before the demonstrations was also characterised by a lack of, or limitations of, space for open, constructive and objective dialogue between the Government and other players, the Civil Society Organisations being the major grouping, to constructively discuss issues of national importance. This fueled the situation forcing the CSO to plan for a nation-wide demonstration to force Government to positively respond to the national concerns. The situation culminated in the CSOs resorting to mobilizing people to stage mass demonstrations on the issues of concern. By 8th July 2011 as indicated by the Nation Newspaper, these plans by the CSOs had reached an advanced stage.
2.1.10 The CSOs formed organising Committees which held meetings in Lilongwe, Zomba, Blantyre, Mzuzu, Karonga and other districts. In Lilongwe, the Malawi Police Service, City and district assemblies did not attend the meetings despite the notice being sent to them until 19th July, 2011 when members of CSOs were called by the District Commissioner of Lilongwe District for a meeting which started at around 14:00 pm. In Blantyre and Mzuzu, Zomba, and Karonga, the organizers had a good relationship and dialogue with the Police prior to the 20th July 2011 and the Police managed to attend the meetings organized by the CSO assuring maximum protection on the day. For Zomba, the cordial relationship between the demonstrations’ organisers and the Police contributed to a good management of the demonstrations by the police which averted any violent incidences.
2.1.11 In the course of the mobilisation of the masses by the CSOs to participate in the demonstrations and indications from the media that relevant Government authorities were non-committal on authorizing the demonstrations, MHRC issued a Press Statement relating to the developments. MHRC’s statement clarified the nature and scope of the right to hold peaceful demonstrations and other related rights as guaranteed in the Constitution of Malawi and relevant international human rights instruments. Further MHRC clarified on the obligations and responsibilities of Government and its agencies, the organisers of demonstrations and the public at large on the right to hold peaceful demonstrations. MHRC therefore called on the Government to guarantee the exercise of this right and the organisers and the people of Malawi to have regard to the attendant responsibilities at all times.
2.1.12 In the progression of the plans by the CSOs for the demonstrations other players made public pronouncements of their support for the idea of the demonstrations or indications that they would actually participate in the demonstrations. For instance, the Vice President, opposition leaders such as John Z. Tembo of MCP, Kamuzu Chibambo of PETRA, and Mark Katsonga of PPM made indications that they would join the demonstrations. On its part the DPP members disseminated information that discredited the organisers of the demonstration. On the 19th of July 2011, a day before the demonstrations, DPP vehicles paraded people wielding pangas and knives in the City of Blantyre chanting anti-demonstration songs. In the ensuing chaos, a journalist who witnessed the event was hacked on the head.
2.1.13 The pre-demonstration period was also characterised by an intensified monopolization of MBC TV, the public broadcaster which has nation-wide coverage by Government and the DPP. In this regard, MBC TV variously aired information that amounted to propaganda and demonization of the planned demonstrations and labeling it as a Gay Rights campaign, which was a clear misinformation to the general public. In a related development, the public broadcaster variously featured traditional chiefs who propagated messages against the demonstrations planned for the 20th July 2011. However, the Broadcaster did not at any occasion air, or feature people that were in support of the CSO-led demonstrations.
2.1.14 Furthermore, the period was also characterised by heightened hostility towards some private broadcasters such as ZBS which had one vehicle damaged and another torched down by unidentified persons.
2.1.15 The actions of the President as well as some Government and DPP figures prior to the demonstrations also compounded the ready volatile situation. For example on one occasion, the President indicated that he would meet the CSO demonstrators on the streets. Furthermore, the President’s making of a public lecture on the day of the demonstration also exacerbated the situation. The lecture was scheduled in a manner that made it to coincide with the day that had long before been earmarked for the demonstration, when evidently the lecture could have been scheduled for a different date. This could have been a bid to divert people’s attention from the demonstrations or dissuade people from participating in the demonstrations. The Governments’ acquiescence to the moves of the DPP Young Cadets that drove through the City of Blantyre in the ruling DPP’s vehicles blandishing panga knives and other arms in the presence of the Police and on the eve of the planned peaceful demonstrations also heightened the volatility of the situation.
2.1.16 The acceptance on the part of authorities for a counter demonstration on the same day that the CSOs planned demonstration was to be held, also worsened the situation. Through a press statement, the organisers of the counter demonstrations indicated that the grouping would demonstrate on the same route as proposed by the CSOs. The relevant authorities ought to have taken a pro-active role and clarified the law on point to the grouping and the general public that the proposal for the second demonstration was not tenable, and that in the event of a crash, the earlier group to give notice takes precedence.
2.1.17 Events close to the 20th July also show inordinate delays on the part of the relevant authority in authorizing the planned 20th July demonstrations. Interview with the District Commissioner of Lilongwe, Mr. Paul Kalilombe indicated there was confusion as to where the notice for demonstrations by the Civil Society Organisations would be delivered. At first it was delivered to the Chief Executive of Lilongwe City Assembly, but was later on delivered to the DC on the following day. Upon receiving the notice, the DC called for a meeting with all concerned parties like the CSO, the police and the Chief Executive of the City Assembly to map the way forward. As events unfolded, it was evident that no authority clearly came out to play their rightful roles in response to the CSOs notice to hold demonstrations. On 19th July 2011 the Police was quoted in an article in the Daily Times assuring people that they would provide maximum security to the demonstrators. However, this did not get close to an express authority to the CSOs to go ahead with the demonstration, which according to law, should have come from the District Commissioner in consultation with other concerned authorities (the police, the conveners of the demonstrations). This resulted in confusion and uncertainty; a recipe for the chaos that followed. This could have been averted if authorisation was clearly given in good time, creating for certainty and ample room for the preparedness of relevant players to effectively respond to the demonstrations.
2.1.18 The eventual obtaining of injunctions stopping both the planned demonstrations and the counter demonstrations, on the eve of the demonstrations, by concerned citizens: Mr. Chiza Mbekeani, through lawyer Mathews Chidzonde obtained before Justice Chifundo Kachale; and Mr. James Willie and Mr. Rodrick Makapu through Lawyers Denning Chambers, before Justice Potani in Lilongwe and Blantyre respectively, worsened the already volatile situation. Reportedly, as indicated by Mr. Mbekeani in an interview with ZBS, on July 31, 2011 he had conceived the idea to stop the demonstrations long before the 20th July, and his motive to obtain the injunction was based on good faith, i.e. to protect property, children, women, the disabled, the elderly and businesses owned by both Government and private individuals.
2.1.19 The period that followed the court’s restraint of the demonstrations was filled with tension, uncertainty, and increased disgruntlement. Furthermore, in some areas, the police compounded the situation by pre-maturely resorting to employing force e.g. firing of teargas and beating people, in order to disperse people that had gathered to demonstrate but was instructed by the demonstration organisers not to commence the marching until the injunctions had been vacated. This led to commotion and chaos. In some instances, the CSOs leaders did not have a presence in the areas where people had gathered to demonstrate, e.g. at the Lilongwe Community Ground. This was due to the strategy by the organisers to initially convene at Lilongwe CCAP premises in order to strategise the march. In Blantyre, the leaders had been disrupted by the Police, with whom they were discussing the injunction and its implications. These scenarios resulted in leadership gaps which left the crowd without guidance.
2.1.20 The totality of this situation: the uncertainty and anger created by the injunctions; the absence of decisive leadership and guidance; the premature use of force by the police; created a hostile atmosphere and precipitated the violence that ensued. In the alternative, the Police could have used other measures other than force for containing the crowd that was unarmed and relatively calm. This approach was actually adopted in Zomba and evidently resulted in a different situation, whereby the demonstrations took place without incidents of violence.
2.2 Events during and Post the Demonstration
The ensuing paragraphs outline the events that took place in the course of the demonstrations on 20th July 2011 and in the aftermath of the demonstrations. MHRC focused its investigations in the districts where the demonstrations were reported to have taken place. The findings from these Districts are presented in the ensuing sections. MHRC obtained relevant supporting documents on the information relating to reports on deaths and people that were treated in hospitals discussed in the tables below.
2.2.1 Mzuzu
Church and Society of the Livingstonia Synod was coordinating the demonstrations in Mzuzu;
On the 20th of July, the demonstrators gathered at Katoto Freedom Park to start the marching to present a petition to Mzuzu Chief Executive Officer. Some police officers were present to ensure security and order;
On the robots at the junction to Karonga road, they were met with the some police officers who informed that an injunction had been obtained that stopped the demonstrations and the demonstrators were advised to disperse;
This angered the demonstrators which resulted in running battles with the police;
Some of the demonstrators went on rampage, looting and vandalizing property. Three DPP vehicles were set alight; two houses were set alight, one belonging to Hon. Vuwa Kaunda and being used as Mzuzu DPP office and one belonging to Mr. Philbert Ngoma, an employee of Airtel Malawi; Shops and Malawi Savings Bank were also targeted in Mzuzu;
On 20th July, nine people died as a result of the violence; eight died as a result of gunshot wounds, while one died of suffocation from tear gas.
The CSOs in Mzuzu made arrangements to bury the dead at Mzuzu Heroes Acre. However, Government objected to the idea, and the dead were buried in a mass grave in Zolozolo Township.
Below is the identities of the people that died and causes of deaths as provided by the Ministry of Health
Persons who died to Mzuzu Central Hospital
1 Chimwemwe Ngwira 21 Male Died either of Asphyxia due to teargas or Hypoxia due to cardiologic shock or Hypoxia due to respiratory distress. Mzimba
2 King Msuku 43 Male Died of severe haemorrhage due to possibly gunshot and penetrating deep wounds on the chest. Nkhata bay
3 Adam Banda 35 Male Died of severe haemorrhage due to gunshot; deep penetrating wound on left neck and upper jaw. Lilongwe
4 Charles Chibambo 33 Male Died of severe haemorrhage due to gunshot; deep penetrating wound on mid thoracic region; one entry wound. Mzimba
5 Abel Kanyenda 19 Male Died of ruptured viscera, spleen and stomach due to gunshot. Radial pellets on the chest x-ray compatible with bullets. Mzuzu
6 Jacob Nyangali 25 Male Died of severe haemorrhage due to gunshot; deep penetrating wounds on thoracic region. Mzimba
7 Julius Kaunda 55 Male Died of head injuries possibly due to gunshot; penetrating deep wounds on direct left ear and skull; bleeding from ears and nostrils. Mzimba
8 Aaron Chilenje 30 Male Died of severe bleeding due to gunshot; open fracture on left femur; massive tissue destruction on left thigh. Mzimba
9 Samson Ngulube 23 Male Died of ruptured viscera-Liver with severe haemorrhage due to gunshot. Mzimba
Mzuzu hospital also registered 21 casualties (17 were males and 4 were females). The table below show the identities, diagnosis and status of the people that were treated at the hospital:
Victims taken to Mzuzu Central Hospital alive
1 Robert Kuwali 34 Male Gunshot Operated on Nkhata bay
2 Timeyo Juwa 26 Male Gunshot Operated on Mzimba
3 Marko Simkonda 13 Male Gunshot Operated Chitipa
4 Alfred Ngulube 15 Male Gunshot Operated on and right leg amputated -
5 Wongani Kasambala 22 Male Gunshot Wound treated and discharged Mzimba
6 Aaron Chitenje Not known Male Gunshot Died after operation Not known
7 Elia Munthali 15 Male Gunshot Wound treated and discharged Karonga
8 Mary Kasale 14 Female Gunshot Bullet retrieved Mulanje
9 Mphatso Gondwe 13 Female Gunshot Wound Karonga
10 Golden Kalua 38 Male Gunshot Operated on Not known
11 Andrew Nyasulu 17 Male Gunshot Wound on the right shoulder Mzimba
12 Winstone Mpuluka 26 Male Right hand cut Wound and tendon repair Chiradzulu
13 Mary Wilson 13 Female Fracture sustained while running Back slab Mangochi
14 Abel Kanyenda 25 Male Gunshot Died after operation Mzimba
15 Esther Phiri 21 Female Gunshot Wound debridement Karonga
16 James Phiri 27 Male Gunshot Bullet removed Unknown
17 Steven Soko 29 Male Gunshot Wound Mzimba
18 Chaofu Mwandemange 31 Male Gunshot Operated on Mzuzu
19 Samson Ngulube 43 Male Gunshot Died after operation Mzimba
20 Alex Jabili 25 Male Gunshot Operated on Mangochi
21 Chiza Mwanganya 35 Male Swollen elbow due to trauma X-ray and treated Mzuzu
2.2.2 Lilongwe
Demonstrators gathered at Lilongwe Community Centre;
Before the start of the demonstrations, the police informed the CSO leaders that an injunction had been obtained stopping the demonstrations;
The CSO convened at Lilongwe CCAP church strategizing while waiting for their lawyer, Mr. Wapona Kita, who was working on having the injunction vacated. Some journalists and politicians were also there;
When the demonstrators were informed of the injunction by Mr. Mkwezalamba, one of the organizers of the demonstrations, they were angered and started chanting songs of discontent;
The police fired teargas and guns to disperse the crowd;
The crowd went on rampage, looting and destroying property;
Running battles between the police and the people ensued in town and townships of Kawale, Areas 23 and 22 (near Works Training Centre).
The MDF joined to reinforce the MPS capaCity to provide security and order.
Below is the list of some of the properties that were looted and vandalized:
1 Chipiku Stores Shop Chipiku Stores looted Lilongwe
2 First Merchant Bank (FMB) Bank Vandalised Lilongwe
3 Opportunity International Bank of Malawi (OIBM) Bank Vandalised Lilongwe
4 Kulima Gold Agricultural company Looting Lilongwe
5 Peoples Trading Shop Supermarket Looted and set alight Lilongwe
6 Lilongwe Auctioneers and Estate Agents Auction and estate agents Looted and set alight Lilongwe
7 Pakeezah Investiments Company Retail shop Looted Lilongwe
8 Mulli Brothers Pharmaceutical Company Warehouse looted Lilongwe
9 Police houses Residential houses Set alight Lilongwe
The police invaded the CCAP Church where the CSO, some journalists and politicians were hiding. The police, led by a Mr. Chirambo, beat up some CSO leaders (Undule Mwakasungula, Billy Mayaya, Peter Chinoko, Benedicto Kondowe and Rogers Newa); journalists (Kondwani Munthali, Amos Gumulira, Isaac Kambwiri, Rabecca Chimjeka, Yvonne Sundu, Emmanuel Chibwana); and politician Nancy Tembo, and other people including Jean Msosa and Anjimile Mtila Oponyo despite being shown and told that the injunction had been vacated;
Violence and looting continued on 21st July 2011, a day after the planned demonstrations. This was evident in Kawale, Area 25, Lumbadzi, Mponela and Chinsapo where Peoples Trading Shop, Bata Shoe Company and Chipiku Stores and a police unit were targeted;
The violence on 20th and 21st July resulted into 7 deaths in Lilongwe as recorded at Kamuzu Central Hospital. One person (Elida Kampira) died on the 20th July while the rest were deposited to the mortuary on the 21st July.
In Lilongwe the District Commissioner received a directive from the Office of President and Cabinet to arrange coffins, transport and K30, 000 for funeral arrangements for those who identified the dead bodies of their relatives.
Below is the list of the persons that died and the causes of their deaths.
Victims brought dead to Kamuzu Central Hospital, Lilongwe
1 George Thekere 21 Male Died of severe head injury due to gunshot Chiradzulu
2 Lovemore Navira 19 Male Died of haemorrhaegic shock due to gunshot Thyolo
3 Luka Ignasiyo 38 Male Died of haemorrhagic shock following gunshot; crush fractures to the bilateral femur; severed genetalia. Dedza
4 Michael Ayami 36 Male Died of haemorrhagic shock following gunshot injuries Mangochi
5 Elida Kampira 24 Female Died of gunshot Lilongwe
6 Edward Phiri 24 Male Died of gunshot on the fore head Ntchisi
7 Unidentified Male
2.2.3 Blantyre
Demonstrators gathered at Victoria Hall led by CSO leaders with the police around to ensure that there was security and order;
When news of the injunction reached the police, they decided to stop the people from demonstrating. The people waited for the process of vacating the injunction before marching;
Various radio stations (Capital FM, MIJ Radio and Joy Radio) in Blantyre were airing a live coverage of the events as they unfolded. In the course of the coverage, the Radio Stations were contacted by MACRA to stop airing the live coverage. The stations were deemed by MACRA to be contravening the Communications Act as they were perceived to be airing information that was tantamount to inciting violence. MACRA followed up on its warning by shutting down the radio stations for a period of close to four hours. Other radio stations e.g. ZBS were also warned to stop airing the live coverage on the demonstrations.
When the injunction was vacated, the demonstrations started. However, there was another group of people that did not follow the prescribed route. They started looting and vandalizing property;
Running battles between the looters and the police ensued. The looting and vandalism resulted in the destruction of property. Chipiku Store in Zingwangwa, First Merchant Bank, NBS Bank and International Commercial Bank were targeted;
Queen Elizabeth Hospital registered 2 deaths and 11 injuries as a result of the violence that ensued. The 2 deaths occurred on 20th July 2011.
Below is the list of the identities of the dead and injured persons and causes of death and injuries respectively:
Victims brought to Queen Elizabeth Central Hospital
1 Joseph Lingimani Gunshot 25 Ndirande Brought dead
2 John Mora Gunshot 13 Ndirande Brought dead
3 Philip Mkutu Deep cut 26 Chemusa Out-patient
4 Francis Songweje Cut 22 Chimwankhunda Out-patient
5 Evance Mtethe Multiple bruises 51 Nkhumbe Out-patient
6 Dean Zulu Gunshot 42 Mbayani Out-patient
7 Imani Zabula Gunshot 15 Chirimba ICU
8 Mphatso Mphoka Gunshot 25 Chirimba ICU
9 Griven Medi Gunshot 37 Chirimba 5A
10 Tenson Luhanga Gunshot 15 Chirimba 5A
11 Lackmore Misi Gunshot 18 Chirimba 5A
12 Chancy Chibaka Gunshot 24 Chilomoni 5A
13 Madalitso Seyani Gunshot 16 Chilomoni 5A
2.2.4 Zomba
Demonstrators gathered in readiness to march but were stopped because of the injunction that stopped the demonstrations. After the injunction was vacated, the demonstrators marched peacefully and delivered the petition to the DC with police escort;
Some Chancellor College students were arrested when they were found looting and vandalizing some property.
During the demonstrations and the violence that ensued on the 20th and 21st, the police arrested 259 suspects. MHRC assisted in releasing 67 of the suspects in Mzuzu.
2.2.5 Karonga
The demonstrations in Karonga were coordinated by Karonga Youth Development CBO which had a series of meetings with the police in preparation for peaceful demonstrations;
Before the start of the demonstrations, there was communication that an injunction had been obtained to stop the demonstrations. As a result, the demonstrators were advised to wait for court proceedings that were working on vacating this injunction;
When the injunction was vacated, the demonstrators marched peacefully to the office of the DC to present the petition;
After delivering the petition, the people assembled for speeches and some people started to leave the venue while the leaders were still addressing them.
When the people were going back from the DC to their respective homes, violence broke out because some people started to loot and vandalise property;
• Below is the list of the property that was destroyed:
1 Sub/Chief Kalonga Chief Personal vehicle burnt Karonga
2 Ministry of Water Development and Irrigation Ministry MG vehicle burnt Karonga
3 Mr. Chaponda Employee of Ministry of Water Development and Irrigation Personal vehicle burnt Karonga
4 Chipiku Stores - Chipiku building burnt Karonga
5 Bata shoe company - Bata shop looted Karonga
6 Pep store - Pep store looted Karonga
7 Greenwitch - Greenwitch house destroyed Karonga
8 Total Filling Station - Filing Station destroyed Karonga
9 Simama buildings Businessmen (Chinese stores) Shops looted Karonga
10 Mphasa shop Airtime seller Shop destroyed Karonga
•
The police used teargas and live bullets to bring order;
• The police arrested 36 suspects, 8 women and 28 men as perpetrators of the violence;
• One person, Mavuto Banda was shot dead by the police on the 20th of July. The postmortem report indicated that he had open wounds on the left upper lobe of the lungs and upper aspects of the liver. Gun bullet was found buried in the chest muscles;
• Three other persons were also injured by the shooting. These are: Kondwani Jere, a guard at MRA who was shot on the upper knee area. He was shot around the Chitipa-Karonga-Mzuzu roundabout; Ella and Bertha Ndileke who were shot at their home around 19.20 hours when they were about to retire to bed; Ella was shot on the foot while Bertha was shot on the calf muscles of the right leg.
• Below is the list of casualties in Karonga.
Victims of July 20, 2011 registered at Karonga District Hospital
1 Madalitso Mponda 17 Male Shot on the left hand Karonga
2 Chancy Mwanyongo 22 Male Shot on the left femur Karonga
3 Michael Mwambila 26 Male Shot on the left proximal arm Karonga
4 Kondwani Jere 34 Male Shot on the left thigh Karonga
5 Winfred Ngosi 18 Male Shot on the right femur and thigh Karonga
6 Owen Sichali 17 Male Shot on the cheek Karonga
7 Ella Ndileke 18 Female Shot on the left foot Karonga
8 Bertha Ndileke 19 Female Shot on the calf of the right leg Karonga
2.3 Developments in the Aftermath of the Demonstrations
2.3.1 There were continued incidences of violence characterized by shooting, looting arrests and beatings. These incidences of violence are what resulted into numerous deaths and injuries as reported above. This signifies police’ failure to effectively respond to the situation, particularly since the previous day (20th July) had already registered spates of violence, which should have put the police on high alert.
2.3.2 In separate public statements, the President initially registered regret for the loss of life and damage to property that emanated from the events surrounding the demonstrations. In a later statement, while presiding over the graduation of Police recruits the President expressed his cynicism particularly questioning if fuel or forex was now available in Malawi following the demonstrations. On another occasion, the President blamed the leaders of the CSOs and opposition politicians for the violence that ensued during and after the demonstrations. Yet in another statement, the President expressed his readiness to meet the CSOs for dialogue on issues raised. On other occasions the President also stated that he would hunt for those that were responsible for the demonstrations “smoke them out”. He further indicated that those whose property was destroyed had to sue the organizers of the demonstration. Furthermore, Government through the Police issued statements to the effect that the police did not use live bullets on the day of the demonstrations, the 20th but on the 21st as on this day people were engaged in criminal activities.
2.3.3 A number of FBOs such as Catholic Bishops issued out statements calling the State President to listen to people’s cries and genuinely respond to them. In addition a New York based international media body (Committee to Protect Journalist (CPJ)) and MISA issued out a statement condemning the banning of radio stations from broadcasting live the demonstrations and described the action as superfluous, unconstitutional and retrogressive as it take away the right of people to access information.
2.3.4 Some NGOs and opposition UDF warned the President of more protest if the Civil Society and political leaders are arrested. PAC also said that the President’s remarks fell short of people’s expectations as they contradicted his earlier call in the national address for contact and dialogue. PAC indicated that naming of people who should be arrested and his appeal to the Judiciary “to deal with the matter fairly” are unacceptable and amount to influencing law-enforcing agents.
2..3.5 On 31st July, Sunday Nation reported that the petition by organizers of the July 20 demonstrations to President Bingu wa Mutharika was yet to reach the Head of State. Several Government officials including Information Minister, indicated that Hon. Symon Vuwa Kaunda and Presidential spokesperson, Dr. Hetherwick Ntaba were not aware if the petition had reach the President.
2.3.6 The First Lady, Madam Callista Mutharika made comments on 2nd August 2011 when she officially opened Matuli Health Centre in Mzimba that the NGOs were fighting for petty issues such as good governance, fuel shortage and minority rights. She accused NGOs of soliciting money from donors to stir unrest and disturb peace in the country. She also indicated that 85% of Malawians live in the villages and do not need fuel for vehicles and forex to travel abroad. She told the crowd that what they need is subsidized fertilizer to have more maize to eat not go to the streets to fight for little issues.
3.0 Conclusion
3.1 The investigations by MHRC have so far shown that gross human rights violations took place before, during and after the 20th July Demonstrations. MHRC notes with concern the death of 19 people and the destruction of property on 20th July and thereafter. MHRC condemns the use of lethal force against peaceful demonstrators and urges the Malawi Government to protect civilians and respect fundamental freedoms, including the freedoms of expression and assembly. MHRC condemns the looting and the destruction of property that ensued from the demonstrations.
3.2 MHRC finds that the following human rights were violated in the violence that emanated from the demonstrations: the right to life (not to be arbitrarily deprived of life); the right to personal liberty; the right to human dignity; the right not to be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; the right to freedom and security of the person; the right not to be arbitrarily deprived of property; the right to freely engage in economic activity, to work and pursue a livelihood anywhere in Malawi; the right to freedom of expression; the right to right to report and publish freely within Malawi and abroad (freedom of the press); the right of access to information and the right to assemble and demonstrate with others peacefully and unarmed.
These human rights are guaranteed by the Republic of Malawi Constitution in sections: 16; 18; 19(1); 19(3); 19(6); 28; 29; 35; 36; 37; and 38 respectively. These human rights are also provided in a number of international human rights instruments that Malawi has ratified such as: the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; the United Nations Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights and the Convention against Torture, Cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. The human rights are also embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, to which Malawi subscribes and is part of the Laws of Malawi.
3.3 MHRC affirms that the people in Malawi have the right to hold demonstrations peacefully and unarmed. The state is the primary duty bearer to ensure that this right is effectively realized. To this end, the Constitution of the Republic of Malawi in section 153 and the Police Act Chapter 13:01 of the Laws of Malawi in section 4 obligates the Police to preserve law and order and to protect life, property, fundamental freedoms and rights of individuals, and to protect public safety. Clearly, the events surrounding the 20th July Demonstration indicate that the Police did not effectively perform this role. For the most part, the manner in which the Police managed the Demonstrations of the 20th July failed to meet the threshold set out in part 9 of the Police Act. The police disproportionately used firearms in quelling the situations that emanated from the demonstrations. This contravened the provisions of the Police Act (sections 44 and 105(5) and relevant constitutional provisions and international human rights standards.
3.
4 MHRC further observes that the eruption of the violence was precipitated by a number of structural causes, including the roles of public institutions e.g. MACRA, MBC TV and the Police. For example, the state broadcaster contributed to a worsening situation through biased reporting of events that surrounded the demonstration and broadcasting of propaganda.
3.5 Further, while the violence on the 20th July was for the most part sporadic the incidences of violence that followed on the 21st July took a structured pattern, for example the characteristics of the places on which the violence was targeted, e.g. Police officers houses and businesses deemed to belong to DPP supporters or sympathizers.
3.6 The findings also bring out the issue of leadership gaps on the part of the organisers in directing the people that had gathered to participate in the demonstration. To a large extent this arose from instances where the police intervention led to their protracted engagement with the leaders. In turn, the people were left without leadership
3.7 The injunctions that were obtained on the eve of the day earmarked for the demonstration was the ultimate trigger of the injunctions.
3.8 In the final analysis, the developments surrounding the demonstrations bring to the fore issues of a lack of common values between the rulers and the ruled. The events also signify a failure of a system for the peaceful resolution of differences that is envisaged in the Constitution in section 13(l). This makes it imperative for the events surrounding the 20th July demonstrations and the ensuing violence to be carefully examined, with a view to drawing lessons that should inform future actions.
4.0 Recommendations
In view of the findings in this preliminary report, MHRC makes the following recommendations:
4.1 The State President and Government
i. MHRC takes cognizance of the fact that Malawi is a State party to the core international human rights treaties, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Further that Malawi has a Bill of human rights entrenched in the Constitution. Thus, MHRC calls upon the Malawi Government to ensure that human rights, in particular, the rights to life, liberty and security of person, human dignity and freedom from cruel, degrading treatment or punishment are protected in all circumstances, including in the context of efforts to maintain law and order.
ii. The Government should ensure that the people that were affected by the violence that ensued during and after the demonstrations, including subjection to human rights violations access effective remedies.
iii. Government should facilitate the conduct of credible and impartial investigations and prosecution of those found responsible for the killing of people, looting and destruction of property during and after the demonstrations. In particular, the Government should cooperate fully with and grant every access to personnel from MHRC to conduct further investigations into the 20th July Demonstrations related violence.
iv. It is imperative that the Government as obliged under section 13(l) of the Constitution should adopt mechanisms for peaceful settlements of disputes. To this end, the President and Government should provide and maintain channels for contact and dialogue. In this regard, a culture of tolerance should be inculcated in the Government machinery to avert situations where people have to resort to demonstrations to communicate contrary views. Evidently, where demonstrations turn violent, the consequences are far-reaching and development is derailed. The President should arise above party politics and effectively address issues of national interest. The President and Government should desist from making provocative remarks that may fuel further violence and instead work towards reconciliation of differences.
v. The President and the Government should acknowledge and objectively and meaningfully address the state of affairs raised in the petition as issues of concern to the people in Malawi. In this regard, the President and Government should be guided by the Constitutional principles set out in Section 12 (a), (b) and (c) of the Constitution as follows:
(a) all legal and political authority of the State derives from the people of Malawi and shall be exercised in accordance with this Constitution solely to serve and protect their interests;
(b) all persons responsible for the exercise of powers of State do so on trust and shall only exercise such power to the extent of their lawful authority and in accordance with their responsibilities to the people of Malawi
(c) the authority to exercise power of the State is conditional upon the sustained trust of the people of Malawi and that trust can only be maintained through open, accountable and transparent Government and informed democratic choice.
vi. Government should acknowledge the fact that people have got a right to hold demonstrations peacefully and unarmed. While the right is not absolute, it can only be limited in accordance with the law. Therefore the relevant authorities should not inordinately delay responding to notices for people to demonstrate.
vii. Government should refrain from interfering through its machinery or otherwise in instilling fear or violence in the people;
4.2 The Malawi Police Service (MPS)
i. The Police should professionally and independently execute their duties at all times.
ii. The Police should ensure that the use of force and firearms is guided by the law. The Police should observe the threshold provided in the Police Act on their roles with regard to assemblies and demonstrations.
iii. Police should refrain from a culture of violence and disrespect of human rights.
iv. The police should thoroughly investigate the disproportionate use of firearms during the demonstrations and in the aftermath and ensure that all those implicated are duly prosecuted.
4.3 Civil Society Organisations
a) CSOs should meet the threshold set in part 9 of the Police Act in planning and executing demonstrations, in particular putting in place effective leadership (conveners) for the demonstrations.
b) CSOs (Organizers of demonstrations) should intensify civic education and adequate dissemination of information before the conduct of such events. In particular, they should ensure the effective mobilisation of the masses to exercise the human rights in question with due regard to corresponding responsibilities.
c) CSOs should ensure proper planning of demonstrations, including issues of timing, meeting places, routes, and strategies and points of dispersal etc and adequate consultations with relevant stakeholders.
d) CSOs should give chance to dialogue before calling for another demonstration.
4.4 The media
Media should provide fair coverage of events and desist from reporting that may incite hostility and violence.
4.5 The General Public
i. People in Malawi should take cognizance of the fact that the exercise of the right to demonstrate peacefully and unarmed has attendant responsibilities. These should be respected in the exercise of the right.
ii. People should respect authority of the MPS as they execute their duties responsibly
Subscribe To
Posts
All Comments
Wednesday, August 17, 2011
Heavy Police Presence as Blantyre Main Market Remains Closed
...heavy police presence in Blantyre
...uniformed, plain-clothed police officers all-about
Blantyre City Centre Market is closed for business today, save for traders who sell their goods and offer services outside the covered sections.
All the gates to the two covered sections- where clothers, books, fresh foods,groceries are sold- are closed and rocked.
But so are People's Trading Centre (PTC) shops. PTC suffered extensive damage during the July 20 demonstrations, to the extent that Lilongwe 'protesters' rooted and, finally, gutted down Kawale PTC.
When Zachimalawi visited Kawale PTC (in Lilongwe) on July 24 this year, only 'utterly-shocked' best explains the feeling I had. It came down to me as a form of 'modern shame' to see Kawale PTC gutted like that, by people who are served by the same in more ways than one.
Look at transport costs to Lilongwe City Centre. Look at the beauty that was Kawale PTC. Look at employment opportunities it accorded some of the community members.
But all that was ignored on July 20.
Residents now blame it on people from other townships; people, they say, do not appreciate the advantages Kawale PTC offered them.
Owners of the shop, Press Corporation Limited only had one explanation.
"It seems that people still think PTC shops are owned by government. We need to carry out massive public awareness campaigns to dispel this misconception," said Prof. Mathews Chikaonda, PCL Chief Executive Officer.
That could explain why these shops are closed today, along with many other business establishments.
The other thing that has come out clearly is that there is a strong police presence in Blantyre, both plain-clothed and uniformed officers.
They must be here to enforce the calm, and not the peace and order.
Really.
...uniformed, plain-clothed police officers all-about
Blantyre City Centre Market is closed for business today, save for traders who sell their goods and offer services outside the covered sections.
All the gates to the two covered sections- where clothers, books, fresh foods,groceries are sold- are closed and rocked.
But so are People's Trading Centre (PTC) shops. PTC suffered extensive damage during the July 20 demonstrations, to the extent that Lilongwe 'protesters' rooted and, finally, gutted down Kawale PTC.
When Zachimalawi visited Kawale PTC (in Lilongwe) on July 24 this year, only 'utterly-shocked' best explains the feeling I had. It came down to me as a form of 'modern shame' to see Kawale PTC gutted like that, by people who are served by the same in more ways than one.
Look at transport costs to Lilongwe City Centre. Look at the beauty that was Kawale PTC. Look at employment opportunities it accorded some of the community members.
But all that was ignored on July 20.
Residents now blame it on people from other townships; people, they say, do not appreciate the advantages Kawale PTC offered them.
Owners of the shop, Press Corporation Limited only had one explanation.
"It seems that people still think PTC shops are owned by government. We need to carry out massive public awareness campaigns to dispel this misconception," said Prof. Mathews Chikaonda, PCL Chief Executive Officer.
That could explain why these shops are closed today, along with many other business establishments.
The other thing that has come out clearly is that there is a strong police presence in Blantyre, both plain-clothed and uniformed officers.
They must be here to enforce the calm, and not the peace and order.
Really.
Like Sunday Like Wednesday
Blantyre: It is calm outside. In Blantyre's Central Business District and outskirts, the scene is silent and still.
In fact, the day could be equated to Sunday- half-Sunday- because most shops are closed.
But the hush has not 'filled' the streets, city grounds, mountains and valleys; it is quiet in the shops, too. There is nobody, not even the owners and workers, inside.
They are closed.
The mood is a little bit sombre, too; it is as if people are feeling something empty, something lacking inside, something wrong within.
That must be the excitement of matching. It must have left yesterday (Tuesday) when reports that the planned demonstrations had been cancelled.
Everyone is in negotiation-mood, everyone wants to extend a hand towards the abstract called peace. It is working, it seems, at least for now.
Peace-building prayers set the mood on Tuesday, as members of the Malawi Council of Churches, Episcopal Conference of Malawi, Evangelical Association of Malawi, Muslim Association of Malawi gathered at Kwacha International Conference Centre, a.k.a. COMESA Hall, to offer the nation's grievances to the God.
President Bingu wa Mutharika, who has been conducting whistle-stop tours the past seven days, inviting Malawians to a cocktail of peace, was there in attendance.
Humbled.
Prayerful.
Submissive.
Sombre.
At least for once.
The last time Mutharika wore this 'sombre', 'peaceful', submissive', 'prayeful' mask was between the years 2004 and 2009. This was during his first five-year term in office.
It was a sad moment for Malawi, too. Because this was a time the opposition was in majority inParliament, and clearly abused their numbers.
Some would say the way Mutharika is playing with the human numbers today, to achieve personal goals. Private goals.
The opposition could manage to hold the nation to ransom, prioritising 'impeachment' procedures at the expense of the National Budget.
Yet, this was during Budget Sessions in Parliament.
The truth was there for the taking, for all to see, and appreciate. But the opposition Malawi Congress Party, United Democratic Front, People's Progressive Movement, among others stood on the moral high ground, thumping their feet down, fighting for impeachment procedures.
Mutharika did what worked then; appealing for public support.
He would do it wearing a sombre, submissive, humble face. The nation was convinced.
That is why Civil Society Organisations organised vigils. In Malawi's cold month of June, they gathered at the gates leading to the New State House- President Mutharika's official residence, a residence that was Malawi's Parliament as well.
The people were not against the State residence, or the State President. They were against the opposition people who met their, under the banner of legislators, to frustrate government's development agenda.
And civil society won this battle of common sense, as the opposition would, then, bow down to pressure and pass the budget.
Always, it was not Mutharika who called the shots; it was not him who won the battle. The winners were the civil society members, the nation.
Today, Mutharika has, somehow, turned against the same civil society, calling them names, giving them negative tags.
That is why civil society reverted to the old way- which is the most recently used way because 2004 and 2009 are not that far away; their scent is still here with us- of doing things: vigils, demonstrations.
Mutharika has discovered the pain opposition parties felt. Civil society action pushes leaders to a corner, giving them little room to 'walk-around'.
That is why Mutharika was there at COMESA on Tuesday, wearing a humble musk. It is a musk the opposition knows too well about.
However, it is not only Mutharika, religious leaders, wearing this musk. The whole nation is.
That is why Blantyre, for one, is quiet today.
That is why reports indicate that Lilongwe is equally quiet.
Like Sunday like Wednesday. That is how things are.
That is how this peace feels like.
This temporary peace.
In fact, the day could be equated to Sunday- half-Sunday- because most shops are closed.
But the hush has not 'filled' the streets, city grounds, mountains and valleys; it is quiet in the shops, too. There is nobody, not even the owners and workers, inside.
They are closed.
The mood is a little bit sombre, too; it is as if people are feeling something empty, something lacking inside, something wrong within.
That must be the excitement of matching. It must have left yesterday (Tuesday) when reports that the planned demonstrations had been cancelled.
Everyone is in negotiation-mood, everyone wants to extend a hand towards the abstract called peace. It is working, it seems, at least for now.
Peace-building prayers set the mood on Tuesday, as members of the Malawi Council of Churches, Episcopal Conference of Malawi, Evangelical Association of Malawi, Muslim Association of Malawi gathered at Kwacha International Conference Centre, a.k.a. COMESA Hall, to offer the nation's grievances to the God.
President Bingu wa Mutharika, who has been conducting whistle-stop tours the past seven days, inviting Malawians to a cocktail of peace, was there in attendance.
Humbled.
Prayerful.
Submissive.
Sombre.
At least for once.
The last time Mutharika wore this 'sombre', 'peaceful', submissive', 'prayeful' mask was between the years 2004 and 2009. This was during his first five-year term in office.
It was a sad moment for Malawi, too. Because this was a time the opposition was in majority inParliament, and clearly abused their numbers.
Some would say the way Mutharika is playing with the human numbers today, to achieve personal goals. Private goals.
The opposition could manage to hold the nation to ransom, prioritising 'impeachment' procedures at the expense of the National Budget.
Yet, this was during Budget Sessions in Parliament.
The truth was there for the taking, for all to see, and appreciate. But the opposition Malawi Congress Party, United Democratic Front, People's Progressive Movement, among others stood on the moral high ground, thumping their feet down, fighting for impeachment procedures.
Mutharika did what worked then; appealing for public support.
He would do it wearing a sombre, submissive, humble face. The nation was convinced.
That is why Civil Society Organisations organised vigils. In Malawi's cold month of June, they gathered at the gates leading to the New State House- President Mutharika's official residence, a residence that was Malawi's Parliament as well.
The people were not against the State residence, or the State President. They were against the opposition people who met their, under the banner of legislators, to frustrate government's development agenda.
And civil society won this battle of common sense, as the opposition would, then, bow down to pressure and pass the budget.
Always, it was not Mutharika who called the shots; it was not him who won the battle. The winners were the civil society members, the nation.
Today, Mutharika has, somehow, turned against the same civil society, calling them names, giving them negative tags.
That is why civil society reverted to the old way- which is the most recently used way because 2004 and 2009 are not that far away; their scent is still here with us- of doing things: vigils, demonstrations.
Mutharika has discovered the pain opposition parties felt. Civil society action pushes leaders to a corner, giving them little room to 'walk-around'.
That is why Mutharika was there at COMESA on Tuesday, wearing a humble musk. It is a musk the opposition knows too well about.
However, it is not only Mutharika, religious leaders, wearing this musk. The whole nation is.
That is why Blantyre, for one, is quiet today.
That is why reports indicate that Lilongwe is equally quiet.
Like Sunday like Wednesday. That is how things are.
That is how this peace feels like.
This temporary peace.
Tuesday, August 16, 2011
Civil Society Leaders Postpone ‘Event of Death’
Just a little longer.
Malawians who were ‘marked’ for death by Malawi’s Non-Governmental and Civil Society Organizations still have a little while to live, following the postponement of the August 17 Demonstrations.
The demos, which have come to be known as an ‘Event of death’, were to be staged by NGOs and CSOs in Malawi’s four major cities of Blantyre, Lilongwe, Mzuzu and Zomba, purportedly against worsening living standards.
This comes at the back of two-day demonstrations organized on July 20 last month, in which, at least, 18 people lost their lives.
A Malawi Human Rights Commission report released yesterday indicates that 15 people died of gun-shot wounds. The report blames Malawi Police Service officers’ brutality and indiscriminate use of live ammunition.
NGO and CSO leaders attach the term ‘national’ to the demonstrations, yet they occur in less than seven districts in a country that has 28 administrative districts. The leaders also call the demonstrations ‘mass’ when the issues in focus exclude challenges that affect the poor.
For instance, NGO and CSO have demanded that President Bingu wa Mutharika’s administration addresses forex and fuel shortage challenges the country is grappling with- leaving paraffin, which is used by, at least, 84 percent of Malawians out of the equation.
Malawi’s poor have had to accept darkness as a temporary companion for the past eight month, leaving on the dark on empty stomachs.
But the CSO’s and NGOs have never spoken out against paraffin scarcity, leaving the poor to fight their own battles, and face up to negative devices.
Electrification has been another major problem. Out of the population of 13 million, only 16 percent has access to electricity. But CSOs and NGOs have never spoken for the poor on the issue. Their electrified houses make it impossible for them to see the darkness outside.
In fact, their generators, too, make them live in artificial light always, setting them miles apart from the realities of life in Malawi. These realities are often sad, but the Malawian has managed to leave his or her smile intact.
That is why Malawi calls itself the Warm Heart of Africa. It has people who smile in pain, and celebrate bare-footed. In Malawi’s biting winters, old women , orphaned and other vulnerable children walk bare-footed on the sand, or black clay soils.
In summer, it gets so hot the soil ‘bites’ more than hold the ground. The poor still walk, bare-footed and in tattered clothes, to the next maize meal.
Most of these maize and millet mills use diesel. But, because only the poor use these mills, the rich- who include NGO and CSO leaders- have never spoken about this ‘pain’.
These problems are not exclusive to rural areas. Malawi’s urban population is full of people who live in ramshackle house. People who receive peanuts and live in slams.
Such slams are common in Ndirande, Malawi’s most populous township located at the hub of the country’s commercial city, Blantyre. They are an eyesore in Mbayani, Chigwirizano, Chinsapo and Nathenje.
The NGO and CSO leaders see them, as they pass by, in their 4x4 vehicles.
They shake their heads in the presence of donors, promising to do something about it; that is, if given funding.
But they know in their hearts of hearts that the poverty they see all around- the poverty on the smiling faces- is a money-making venture.
That is how they barter their bread and cheese.
That is why they have never spoken of these problems faced by the poor.
That is why they feel, in their hearts of hearts, that the poor are weak. If not, why else can’t they help themselves.
The CSO and NGO leaders feel, deep down their stomachs, that poverty is a physical hole with staircases one climbs up on. If these poor people cannot see the staircases out of poverty, then, they don’t think- they can be used as pawns.
After all, they do not need payment, these people; they will get their rewards when they root and go on rampage. When they break into Departmental stores, ransack goods, and destroy human lives- that is their reward.
So the poor are engaged, becoming pawns in a game of the living. The living are the rich, the elite who live in Low Density areas such as Namiwawa, Nyambadwe. The rich are the living.
If the marchers, the poor, die; it is one of those things. If they disappear from under the sun, that is a ‘good’ statistic to be sent to Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the United Nations, and other bodies.
These bodies will rant against the Malawi government. They will ask Malawi’s development partners to withdraw financial support and grants (like the United States government has done with the K50 billion) and support NGOs and CSOs instead.
That is money.
There is money in demonstrations.
And CSO and NGO leaders have learned about that the good way.
Here are people who advocate for, to quote Apostle Timothy Khoviwa of Word of Faith Temple, ‘evil’ things. Strange things.
What do you expect from people who behave differently, advocating for the unheard of in a conservative society such as ours? Do they care about human lives?
The answer is a resolute ‘No’. These people advocate for ‘nasty’, ‘strange things’ (to quote Peter Mandala of Salima Youth Organisation), things that are not supported by the majority. And the majority, if the truth be told, care about the dead. Malawi’s majority fears death.
Not with these CSO and NGO leaders.
They make money out of death.
That is why they wanted some more people to die, so that the Malawi Human Rights Commission could release another questionable report; a report that condemns, and government and increases government’s chances of losing development support.
This support, which is money, will go to CSOs.
That is the truth, the heart of the demonstrations.
There is nothing more; just the wish to achieve these selfish goals.
The evidence that this battle of self-aggrandizement was fought is the life that is lost, the life of a seven-year old, still in the morning of his life.
Gone and forgotten by the CSO and NGO leaders who started it all. But alive in the hearts and minds of his relatives.
These CSO and NGOs must really apologise to Malawians for the misery they have caused. The misery that was theirs, and theirs alone, but which they have put out as national concerns.
Leaders who seemed to enjoy the laying of wreaths.
Political parties such as the United Democratic Front and Malawi Congress Party took advantage of the deaths, went to lay wreaths in the morning; in the afternoon, they addressed political meetings.
So, that is it. Death is a campaign tool. Especially violent death.
UDF’s Atupele Muluzi did it in Mzuzu.
MCP President did it in Lilongwe.
But the worst of all is President Bingu wa Mutharika.
The man Mutharika is also a shame. At a time the nation was weeping, he was busy celebrating the death of the 18 with Democratic Progressive Party cadets.
They drank.
They danced.
Joseph Tembo played the songs.
The songs of death.
And the ruling DPP cadets, and the President, danced to the tunes of death.
At Sanjika Palace in Blantyre. At the New State House in Lilongwe. At the State Lodge in Mzuzu. Mutharika laughed, and danced, and celebrated.
They guzzled beer like nobody’s business; watering down the spirits of the death.
The people Mutharika said dies in vain.
That was immoral, too.
The President must repent.
And ask for forgiveness from Malawians.
You do not dance when there is death in the house. That is Malawi culture.
A culture complimented by common sense.
Some may say Mutharika was only dancing to celebrate the wickedness of CSO and NGO leaders; people who do not deserve to be called leaders because they play with people’s lives.
They do not play with their children’s or cousins lives; they play with the poor’s lives.
They do not march and demonstrate near their homes. They do it in the streets, where the big shops are- pay for the poor pawns that are thrown around in this game called CSO advocacy.
It is an immoral game.
But Malawian commoners- commoners whose behaviour smacks of suspicions (where have they gotten the money to do this?)- James Willie and Rodrick Makapu have seen sense in peace and dialogue (some of the fruits of common sense) and gone to the High Court in Blantyre.
Willie and Makapu’s mission: To stop death on August 17, 2011.
They call themselves small-scale business people who ply their trades in Limbe (the commercial centre of Blantyre) and Blantyre Central Business District.
The inter partes injunction puts Undule Mwakasungula, Reverend MacDonald Sembereka, the Human Rights Consultative Committee, the Malawi Congress Party, the United Democratic Front, the People’s Transformation Party (those wishing to take part in the anti-government demos), as the first defendants.
The second defendant is Davie Charles Kanyoza, standing for all those wishing to hold demos in support of the Malawi government.
That has affected the planned demos.
Private Radio Stations such as MIJ (Malawi Institute of Journalism) have already started announcing that the demos have been postponed. MIJ has even gone a step further, saying it wishes Malawi well, and would, therefore, like to appeal to Malawians to give dialogue a chance.
That is a step further. That is more than taking responsibility. That is positive journalism.
And so gets postponed August 17, 2011’s ‘Event of death’.
The poor- those marked for death- can live a little bit longer.
For now.
Tomorrow, CSO and NGO leaders may decide that their (the poor’s) time to die is nigh.
That call will be hidden in messages that announce the next round of demos.
Let us give peace a chance.
Let us allow others to live.
Let us not scare Foreign Direct Investors.
Let us protect the businesses that are already here.
Let us maintain our ‘Malawi: The Warm Heart of Africa’ accolade.
Let us be calm.
We have been together for so long.
Malawians who were ‘marked’ for death by Malawi’s Non-Governmental and Civil Society Organizations still have a little while to live, following the postponement of the August 17 Demonstrations.
The demos, which have come to be known as an ‘Event of death’, were to be staged by NGOs and CSOs in Malawi’s four major cities of Blantyre, Lilongwe, Mzuzu and Zomba, purportedly against worsening living standards.
This comes at the back of two-day demonstrations organized on July 20 last month, in which, at least, 18 people lost their lives.
A Malawi Human Rights Commission report released yesterday indicates that 15 people died of gun-shot wounds. The report blames Malawi Police Service officers’ brutality and indiscriminate use of live ammunition.
NGO and CSO leaders attach the term ‘national’ to the demonstrations, yet they occur in less than seven districts in a country that has 28 administrative districts. The leaders also call the demonstrations ‘mass’ when the issues in focus exclude challenges that affect the poor.
For instance, NGO and CSO have demanded that President Bingu wa Mutharika’s administration addresses forex and fuel shortage challenges the country is grappling with- leaving paraffin, which is used by, at least, 84 percent of Malawians out of the equation.
Malawi’s poor have had to accept darkness as a temporary companion for the past eight month, leaving on the dark on empty stomachs.
But the CSO’s and NGOs have never spoken out against paraffin scarcity, leaving the poor to fight their own battles, and face up to negative devices.
Electrification has been another major problem. Out of the population of 13 million, only 16 percent has access to electricity. But CSOs and NGOs have never spoken for the poor on the issue. Their electrified houses make it impossible for them to see the darkness outside.
In fact, their generators, too, make them live in artificial light always, setting them miles apart from the realities of life in Malawi. These realities are often sad, but the Malawian has managed to leave his or her smile intact.
That is why Malawi calls itself the Warm Heart of Africa. It has people who smile in pain, and celebrate bare-footed. In Malawi’s biting winters, old women , orphaned and other vulnerable children walk bare-footed on the sand, or black clay soils.
In summer, it gets so hot the soil ‘bites’ more than hold the ground. The poor still walk, bare-footed and in tattered clothes, to the next maize meal.
Most of these maize and millet mills use diesel. But, because only the poor use these mills, the rich- who include NGO and CSO leaders- have never spoken about this ‘pain’.
These problems are not exclusive to rural areas. Malawi’s urban population is full of people who live in ramshackle house. People who receive peanuts and live in slams.
Such slams are common in Ndirande, Malawi’s most populous township located at the hub of the country’s commercial city, Blantyre. They are an eyesore in Mbayani, Chigwirizano, Chinsapo and Nathenje.
The NGO and CSO leaders see them, as they pass by, in their 4x4 vehicles.
They shake their heads in the presence of donors, promising to do something about it; that is, if given funding.
But they know in their hearts of hearts that the poverty they see all around- the poverty on the smiling faces- is a money-making venture.
That is how they barter their bread and cheese.
That is why they have never spoken of these problems faced by the poor.
That is why they feel, in their hearts of hearts, that the poor are weak. If not, why else can’t they help themselves.
The CSO and NGO leaders feel, deep down their stomachs, that poverty is a physical hole with staircases one climbs up on. If these poor people cannot see the staircases out of poverty, then, they don’t think- they can be used as pawns.
After all, they do not need payment, these people; they will get their rewards when they root and go on rampage. When they break into Departmental stores, ransack goods, and destroy human lives- that is their reward.
So the poor are engaged, becoming pawns in a game of the living. The living are the rich, the elite who live in Low Density areas such as Namiwawa, Nyambadwe. The rich are the living.
If the marchers, the poor, die; it is one of those things. If they disappear from under the sun, that is a ‘good’ statistic to be sent to Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the United Nations, and other bodies.
These bodies will rant against the Malawi government. They will ask Malawi’s development partners to withdraw financial support and grants (like the United States government has done with the K50 billion) and support NGOs and CSOs instead.
That is money.
There is money in demonstrations.
And CSO and NGO leaders have learned about that the good way.
Here are people who advocate for, to quote Apostle Timothy Khoviwa of Word of Faith Temple, ‘evil’ things. Strange things.
What do you expect from people who behave differently, advocating for the unheard of in a conservative society such as ours? Do they care about human lives?
The answer is a resolute ‘No’. These people advocate for ‘nasty’, ‘strange things’ (to quote Peter Mandala of Salima Youth Organisation), things that are not supported by the majority. And the majority, if the truth be told, care about the dead. Malawi’s majority fears death.
Not with these CSO and NGO leaders.
They make money out of death.
That is why they wanted some more people to die, so that the Malawi Human Rights Commission could release another questionable report; a report that condemns, and government and increases government’s chances of losing development support.
This support, which is money, will go to CSOs.
That is the truth, the heart of the demonstrations.
There is nothing more; just the wish to achieve these selfish goals.
The evidence that this battle of self-aggrandizement was fought is the life that is lost, the life of a seven-year old, still in the morning of his life.
Gone and forgotten by the CSO and NGO leaders who started it all. But alive in the hearts and minds of his relatives.
These CSO and NGOs must really apologise to Malawians for the misery they have caused. The misery that was theirs, and theirs alone, but which they have put out as national concerns.
Leaders who seemed to enjoy the laying of wreaths.
Political parties such as the United Democratic Front and Malawi Congress Party took advantage of the deaths, went to lay wreaths in the morning; in the afternoon, they addressed political meetings.
So, that is it. Death is a campaign tool. Especially violent death.
UDF’s Atupele Muluzi did it in Mzuzu.
MCP President did it in Lilongwe.
But the worst of all is President Bingu wa Mutharika.
The man Mutharika is also a shame. At a time the nation was weeping, he was busy celebrating the death of the 18 with Democratic Progressive Party cadets.
They drank.
They danced.
Joseph Tembo played the songs.
The songs of death.
And the ruling DPP cadets, and the President, danced to the tunes of death.
At Sanjika Palace in Blantyre. At the New State House in Lilongwe. At the State Lodge in Mzuzu. Mutharika laughed, and danced, and celebrated.
They guzzled beer like nobody’s business; watering down the spirits of the death.
The people Mutharika said dies in vain.
That was immoral, too.
The President must repent.
And ask for forgiveness from Malawians.
You do not dance when there is death in the house. That is Malawi culture.
A culture complimented by common sense.
Some may say Mutharika was only dancing to celebrate the wickedness of CSO and NGO leaders; people who do not deserve to be called leaders because they play with people’s lives.
They do not play with their children’s or cousins lives; they play with the poor’s lives.
They do not march and demonstrate near their homes. They do it in the streets, where the big shops are- pay for the poor pawns that are thrown around in this game called CSO advocacy.
It is an immoral game.
But Malawian commoners- commoners whose behaviour smacks of suspicions (where have they gotten the money to do this?)- James Willie and Rodrick Makapu have seen sense in peace and dialogue (some of the fruits of common sense) and gone to the High Court in Blantyre.
Willie and Makapu’s mission: To stop death on August 17, 2011.
They call themselves small-scale business people who ply their trades in Limbe (the commercial centre of Blantyre) and Blantyre Central Business District.
The inter partes injunction puts Undule Mwakasungula, Reverend MacDonald Sembereka, the Human Rights Consultative Committee, the Malawi Congress Party, the United Democratic Front, the People’s Transformation Party (those wishing to take part in the anti-government demos), as the first defendants.
The second defendant is Davie Charles Kanyoza, standing for all those wishing to hold demos in support of the Malawi government.
That has affected the planned demos.
Private Radio Stations such as MIJ (Malawi Institute of Journalism) have already started announcing that the demos have been postponed. MIJ has even gone a step further, saying it wishes Malawi well, and would, therefore, like to appeal to Malawians to give dialogue a chance.
That is a step further. That is more than taking responsibility. That is positive journalism.
And so gets postponed August 17, 2011’s ‘Event of death’.
The poor- those marked for death- can live a little bit longer.
For now.
Tomorrow, CSO and NGO leaders may decide that their (the poor’s) time to die is nigh.
That call will be hidden in messages that announce the next round of demos.
Let us give peace a chance.
Let us allow others to live.
Let us not scare Foreign Direct Investors.
Let us protect the businesses that are already here.
Let us maintain our ‘Malawi: The Warm Heart of Africa’ accolade.
Let us be calm.
We have been together for so long.
Monday, August 8, 2011
NGOs Taking Malawians as Pawns
Malawians should wake up, and stop listening to people who were never elected. These people are the leaders of Malawian Non-Governmental and Civil Society Organizations.
After the bloody July 20, 2011 Demonstrations- a forum where Malawians were expressing their dismay over forex, fuel and other challenges- these NGO and CSO leaders have taken it as a license to engage Malawians in useless games, a game whose playing cards are money and personal aggrandizement.
Also at play in the game are human lives. Last time, which is July 20, 18 of these lives were played like cards, and lost. But none of the NGO leaders died.
If anything, some of them were just ‘scratched’ by police officers, and ‘washed’ with teargas. Nothing wrong with that, the Malawi Police Service- overrun and outnumbered by the marchers- just wanted to see if these unelected NGO and CSO leaders are really human and can cry.
Good test.
Now, some of these NGO leaders are talking their usual nonsense in the press. Among other things, they are demanding (and not pleading with the government, politely) that President Bingu wa Mutharika meets their petition-demands, or else ‘people’ will march.
Now, I want to know, which ‘people’ are these frustrated NGO and CSO leaders talking about? Do they have people, at all? Who elected them to be looking at problems facing Malawi and, then, organizing demonstrations?
Of course, they have been speaking of marching on the 17th of August. That is hardly two weeks on the cards.
As usual, they will stick (or play with) people’s lives.
Some people will die, but none of these NGO leaders will be among the victims.
All they want is make Mutharika appear bad.
All they want is to make more money over people’s lives; they want to achieve more personal happiness over human souls.
They are heartless people, in fact, because they do not care. They shed crocodile tears.
They have mansions in town; those who die, only ramshackle houses. The people who die, like the Police officers who shoot at them, sometime point-blank, have long-been neglected and live miserable lives.
But the greedy NGO leaders, people who have nothing to offer to this beautiful country of Malawi, live comfortable lives. Of course, contrary to their claims, they have no people- just some two, three, four children.
Some of them violate human rights. They do nasty things to children, and housemaids, and house servants, and relatives.
They don’t really care about this country. They send their children to expensive schools abroad, as our children languish in dilapidated buildings, where teachers are far-outnumbered by pupils and students.
And these people want Malawians to march, and march and march. Some of the marchers will not return home. They, instead, will march on and on until they embrace death. Marching towards the abyss.
When the fuel and forex come in less than 24 months’ time, and all these problems are gone and forgotten, the departed will not come back; they will be forgotten.
The NGO and CSO leaders will continue to smile with their children (they have already neglected their own relatives). They will marvel at the Windmill college degrees obtained by their children.
But the parents and relatives of the human souls that get sacrificed in this game called ‘civil society advocacy’ will never have their loved ones back; they will not even forget.
That time, NGO and CSO leaders will be looking at their brand new vehicles. Adoring the vehicle. Smiling at it.
The truth is, Bingu wa Mutharika is a man of great ideas. He is the best, after Kamuzu Banda, President Malawi will ever have.
When he will be gone, after serving his second term, we will remember him, and see how great he was.
No, the time is now. Let us support him. Not these unelected NGO leaders who employ their relatives and housemaids.
After the bloody July 20, 2011 Demonstrations- a forum where Malawians were expressing their dismay over forex, fuel and other challenges- these NGO and CSO leaders have taken it as a license to engage Malawians in useless games, a game whose playing cards are money and personal aggrandizement.
Also at play in the game are human lives. Last time, which is July 20, 18 of these lives were played like cards, and lost. But none of the NGO leaders died.
If anything, some of them were just ‘scratched’ by police officers, and ‘washed’ with teargas. Nothing wrong with that, the Malawi Police Service- overrun and outnumbered by the marchers- just wanted to see if these unelected NGO and CSO leaders are really human and can cry.
Good test.
Now, some of these NGO leaders are talking their usual nonsense in the press. Among other things, they are demanding (and not pleading with the government, politely) that President Bingu wa Mutharika meets their petition-demands, or else ‘people’ will march.
Now, I want to know, which ‘people’ are these frustrated NGO and CSO leaders talking about? Do they have people, at all? Who elected them to be looking at problems facing Malawi and, then, organizing demonstrations?
Of course, they have been speaking of marching on the 17th of August. That is hardly two weeks on the cards.
As usual, they will stick (or play with) people’s lives.
Some people will die, but none of these NGO leaders will be among the victims.
All they want is make Mutharika appear bad.
All they want is to make more money over people’s lives; they want to achieve more personal happiness over human souls.
They are heartless people, in fact, because they do not care. They shed crocodile tears.
They have mansions in town; those who die, only ramshackle houses. The people who die, like the Police officers who shoot at them, sometime point-blank, have long-been neglected and live miserable lives.
But the greedy NGO leaders, people who have nothing to offer to this beautiful country of Malawi, live comfortable lives. Of course, contrary to their claims, they have no people- just some two, three, four children.
Some of them violate human rights. They do nasty things to children, and housemaids, and house servants, and relatives.
They don’t really care about this country. They send their children to expensive schools abroad, as our children languish in dilapidated buildings, where teachers are far-outnumbered by pupils and students.
And these people want Malawians to march, and march and march. Some of the marchers will not return home. They, instead, will march on and on until they embrace death. Marching towards the abyss.
When the fuel and forex come in less than 24 months’ time, and all these problems are gone and forgotten, the departed will not come back; they will be forgotten.
The NGO and CSO leaders will continue to smile with their children (they have already neglected their own relatives). They will marvel at the Windmill college degrees obtained by their children.
But the parents and relatives of the human souls that get sacrificed in this game called ‘civil society advocacy’ will never have their loved ones back; they will not even forget.
That time, NGO and CSO leaders will be looking at their brand new vehicles. Adoring the vehicle. Smiling at it.
The truth is, Bingu wa Mutharika is a man of great ideas. He is the best, after Kamuzu Banda, President Malawi will ever have.
When he will be gone, after serving his second term, we will remember him, and see how great he was.
No, the time is now. Let us support him. Not these unelected NGO leaders who employ their relatives and housemaids.
Big Brother Amplief Hang-Over
Why is it that, after every Big Brother Season, people get so angry in the end?
There are hopes, of course, and expectations- and these make the game interesting as it goes on.
But when these expectations fail, it pains inside. Especially because some of the winners are outright suspicious.
For heaven's sake, how can Luclay be denied the Big Brother Amplified prize money. In my, and many other people's opinions, Luclay deserved to get a share of the US$200,000 moola.
Lomwe, too.
You know what? There will be no surprise during next years Big Brother Season (that is, if organisers of the show still believe that there are many more years of cheating remaining) because the winner will be a South African.
It is all in the open. South Africans are angry, and justifiably so.
MNET will compensate them next year.
Last year, we all remember how favourite boy Munyaradzi Chidzonga got cheated at the end of the sojourn.
The question remains, though: Is it in the design of Big Brother seasons that people should get so excited about the show when in season, and angry afterwards?
You will find that this anger disappears everytime time we hear of another season of Big Brother.
Actually, I always go and pay for my DSTV connection every time I hear that the Big Brother show is back, and stop paying immediately after the show. Soccer does not matter to me, the continuous plays, and whatever.
The Big Brother show does.
Well, in conclusion- though alittle late than the flight that took our Big Brother Amplified representative, Lomwe, home landed- let me welcome Lomwe Gaga home.
He was great. He made us smile.
After after coming home empty-handed, Lomwe is full of the warm spirits. He is so happy, so inspiring.
Welcome home Lomwe, a.k.a Tendai Namate.
You made us proud. The future is long ahead of you, and so promising.
Don't count on it Malawians; next year is for a South African to win. It has been pre-arranged by the organisers of the show.
What an African shame!
There are hopes, of course, and expectations- and these make the game interesting as it goes on.
But when these expectations fail, it pains inside. Especially because some of the winners are outright suspicious.
For heaven's sake, how can Luclay be denied the Big Brother Amplified prize money. In my, and many other people's opinions, Luclay deserved to get a share of the US$200,000 moola.
Lomwe, too.
You know what? There will be no surprise during next years Big Brother Season (that is, if organisers of the show still believe that there are many more years of cheating remaining) because the winner will be a South African.
It is all in the open. South Africans are angry, and justifiably so.
MNET will compensate them next year.
Last year, we all remember how favourite boy Munyaradzi Chidzonga got cheated at the end of the sojourn.
The question remains, though: Is it in the design of Big Brother seasons that people should get so excited about the show when in season, and angry afterwards?
You will find that this anger disappears everytime time we hear of another season of Big Brother.
Actually, I always go and pay for my DSTV connection every time I hear that the Big Brother show is back, and stop paying immediately after the show. Soccer does not matter to me, the continuous plays, and whatever.
The Big Brother show does.
Well, in conclusion- though alittle late than the flight that took our Big Brother Amplified representative, Lomwe, home landed- let me welcome Lomwe Gaga home.
He was great. He made us smile.
After after coming home empty-handed, Lomwe is full of the warm spirits. He is so happy, so inspiring.
Welcome home Lomwe, a.k.a Tendai Namate.
You made us proud. The future is long ahead of you, and so promising.
Don't count on it Malawians; next year is for a South African to win. It has been pre-arranged by the organisers of the show.
What an African shame!
Friday, August 5, 2011
UN Dialogue to strengthen laws in the African continent’s fight against HIV
Pretoria, South Africa, August 4, 2011 – The United Nations has convened a consultative meeting in Pretoria for HIV experts, people living with the virus, civil society and government representatives to discuss key aspects of HIV and the law in Africa.
The Regional Dialogue, which is the sixth in a series of seven regional consultations globally, is being held to learn from individuals, communities, policy and law makers, judges and law enforcers. The dialogues are an opportunity affected by and vulnerable to HIV, including those whose voices are silenced by restrictive legal environments, to be heard.
Among the high profile delegates to the Dialogue, which was officially opened by South Africa’s Commissioner Simone Jiyane Deputy Director General in the Justice Department, are eleven of the Global Commissioners including Bience Gawanas (Commissioner for Social Affairs, African Union).
The Regional Dialogue, which is the sixth in a series of seven regional consultations globally, is being held to learn from individuals, communities, policy and law makers, judges and law enforcers. The dialogues are an opportunity affected by and vulnerable to HIV, including those whose voices are silenced by restrictive legal environments, to be heard.
Among the high profile delegates to the Dialogue, which was officially opened by South Africa’s Commissioner Simone Jiyane Deputy Director General in the Justice Department, are eleven of the Global Commissioners including Bience Gawanas (Commissioner for Social Affairs, African Union).
Gender Links: 50/50 yes we must!
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
50/50 yes we must!
05 August 2011
Harare 5 August: The governance cluster of the Southern African Gender Protocol Alliance has called on SADC governments to redouble their efforts to attain the target of gender parity in all areas of decision-making by 2015.
In a communiqué re-launching the 50/50 campaign following a meeting in Harare, Zimbabwe, NGO representatives from nine SADC countries noted that with only four years to go, and an average representation of women in parliament of 25%, the region is only half way where it needs to be, with many countries having only one more election to go.
Women in Politics Support Unit (WIPSU), the governance cluster leader, and Gender Links, coordinator of the Alliance that campaigned for the adoption of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Gender Protocol, convened the meeting ahead of the SADC Heads of State Summit in Luanda on 17 August.
Delegates noted with concern that while the SADC regional average of 25% women in national parliaments exceeds the global average of 19%, this varies considerably between countries, under scoring a lack of political will.
With 18% women in parliament and elections due to take place within the next year, Zimbabwe is one such country. Other countries with elections on the horizon are Zambia (15% women in parliament) in September and DRC (with 12% women in parliament) by November. Local elections are taking place in Mauritius (7% women councillors) and Lesotho (58% women councillors) later this year. Malawi, which currently has no elected local government, has indefinitely postponed elections due to have been held this year.
Key urgent matters raised by delegates in relation to upcoming elections include:
· In Zimbabwe, recent inter party efforts to bring the 50/50 demands to the fore are commendable, but there is an urgent need to seize this historic opportunity to incorporate special measures for ensuring equal representation in the new Constitution. The fact that the country has a deputy women president and deputy woman prime minister are important milestones that need to be built on and expanded.
· In Zambia, the fact that the ruling Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) has put up only 19 women out of 140 candidates for the coming elections sets a poor example on the eve of the only election that Zambia has before 2015. It is fervently hoped that other parties, due to submit candidates within the next few days for the September elections, will do much better than the MMD.
· In DRC a progressive Constitutional provision for 50% women is being undermined by lack of implementing mechanisms and legal loopholes. The DRC is urged to seize this historic moment to honour its obligations.
· Mauritius is commended for a ground breaking gender neutral quota in a draft law for upcoming local elections that provides for a minimum of 30 percent women or men candidates in the elections. But so far only 442 women candidates have come forward when more than 2000 are needed to give effect to the provisions. Now is the time for the women’s movement to rally and galvanise women at the local level to grab this historic opportunity with both hands.
Commenting ahead of the launch of the Alliance’s flagship 2011 Barometer at the SADC Heads of State Summit, the governance cluster said that now is the time “name and shame” governments that are not pulling their weight. The Barometer introduces the SADC Gender and Development Index (SGDI) which, among others, has a combined score for governments of women’s representation in parliament, cabinet and local government. This ranks countries in the region in the following order from highest to lowest with regard to gender and governance: South Africa (1), Lesotho (2), Angola (3), Mauritius (4), Tanzania (5), Namibia (6), Seychelles (7), Malawi (8), Swaziland (9), Zimbabwe (10), Botswana (11), Mauritius (12), Zambia (13), Madagascar (14) and DRC (15).
What is evident, noted cluster leader and director of WIPSU Fanny Chirisa is that “where there is a will there is away. Change has taken place very rapidly in some SADC countries. Some are very close to achieving the 50/50. This tells us that the parity target can be achieved.” For example, South Africa has 44% women in parliament and Lesotho has 58% women in local government.
Invariably best performing countries (e.g. South Africa, Mozambique and Angola) have a combination of a Proportional Representation (PR) system and a voluntary party quota (this is legislated in the case of local elections in Namibia). The PR system is more conducive to women’s participation because parties vote for a party rather than for candidates, and provided parties distribute women evenly in the list they are bound to get in. The African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa is the first party in the region to have adopted a voluntary fifty-fifty quota followed through at national and local level. However, when the ANC lost ground in the May 2011 election, the proportion of women also declined from 40% to 38%. This has led to a call for legislated quotas in South Africa so that all parties, and not just the ANC, honour the 50/50 obligation.
Countries with the FPTP system have argued that quotas are impossible in this system but Lesotho shattered this myth through a system of 30% seats reserved for women in its 2005 elections. An additional 28% women won seats in the openly contested seats, giving Lesotho 58% women at this level – the only case of political decision-making in SADC in which women exceed men. But, claims of unfairness by men led Lesotho to revise the system. Rather than abandon the quota, Lesotho has borrowed from Tanzania, which has a FPTP system in which an additional 30% of seats are distributed to parties for women only on a PR basis.
This will be the system used in local elections in Lesotho later this year. Delegates hailed this as yet another example that innovative solutions are possible. “Countries with a constituency system can no longer claim that there are no options on quotas,” Chirisa said. “This all boils down to political will.”
The Alliance, organised through 15 country networks and ten theme clusters, is stepping up the drive for the implementation of the Protocol through action plans at national level and regional campaigns that leverage efforts on the ground to ensure the 28 targets are attained.
For more information please contact Fanny Chirisa on 00 263 772 372 881 or Loveness Jambaya Nyakujarah on 00 27 11 622 2877 or go to www.sadcgenderprotocol.org.
50/50 yes we must!
05 August 2011
Harare 5 August: The governance cluster of the Southern African Gender Protocol Alliance has called on SADC governments to redouble their efforts to attain the target of gender parity in all areas of decision-making by 2015.
In a communiqué re-launching the 50/50 campaign following a meeting in Harare, Zimbabwe, NGO representatives from nine SADC countries noted that with only four years to go, and an average representation of women in parliament of 25%, the region is only half way where it needs to be, with many countries having only one more election to go.
Women in Politics Support Unit (WIPSU), the governance cluster leader, and Gender Links, coordinator of the Alliance that campaigned for the adoption of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Gender Protocol, convened the meeting ahead of the SADC Heads of State Summit in Luanda on 17 August.
Delegates noted with concern that while the SADC regional average of 25% women in national parliaments exceeds the global average of 19%, this varies considerably between countries, under scoring a lack of political will.
With 18% women in parliament and elections due to take place within the next year, Zimbabwe is one such country. Other countries with elections on the horizon are Zambia (15% women in parliament) in September and DRC (with 12% women in parliament) by November. Local elections are taking place in Mauritius (7% women councillors) and Lesotho (58% women councillors) later this year. Malawi, which currently has no elected local government, has indefinitely postponed elections due to have been held this year.
Key urgent matters raised by delegates in relation to upcoming elections include:
· In Zimbabwe, recent inter party efforts to bring the 50/50 demands to the fore are commendable, but there is an urgent need to seize this historic opportunity to incorporate special measures for ensuring equal representation in the new Constitution. The fact that the country has a deputy women president and deputy woman prime minister are important milestones that need to be built on and expanded.
· In Zambia, the fact that the ruling Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) has put up only 19 women out of 140 candidates for the coming elections sets a poor example on the eve of the only election that Zambia has before 2015. It is fervently hoped that other parties, due to submit candidates within the next few days for the September elections, will do much better than the MMD.
· In DRC a progressive Constitutional provision for 50% women is being undermined by lack of implementing mechanisms and legal loopholes. The DRC is urged to seize this historic moment to honour its obligations.
· Mauritius is commended for a ground breaking gender neutral quota in a draft law for upcoming local elections that provides for a minimum of 30 percent women or men candidates in the elections. But so far only 442 women candidates have come forward when more than 2000 are needed to give effect to the provisions. Now is the time for the women’s movement to rally and galvanise women at the local level to grab this historic opportunity with both hands.
Commenting ahead of the launch of the Alliance’s flagship 2011 Barometer at the SADC Heads of State Summit, the governance cluster said that now is the time “name and shame” governments that are not pulling their weight. The Barometer introduces the SADC Gender and Development Index (SGDI) which, among others, has a combined score for governments of women’s representation in parliament, cabinet and local government. This ranks countries in the region in the following order from highest to lowest with regard to gender and governance: South Africa (1), Lesotho (2), Angola (3), Mauritius (4), Tanzania (5), Namibia (6), Seychelles (7), Malawi (8), Swaziland (9), Zimbabwe (10), Botswana (11), Mauritius (12), Zambia (13), Madagascar (14) and DRC (15).
What is evident, noted cluster leader and director of WIPSU Fanny Chirisa is that “where there is a will there is away. Change has taken place very rapidly in some SADC countries. Some are very close to achieving the 50/50. This tells us that the parity target can be achieved.” For example, South Africa has 44% women in parliament and Lesotho has 58% women in local government.
Invariably best performing countries (e.g. South Africa, Mozambique and Angola) have a combination of a Proportional Representation (PR) system and a voluntary party quota (this is legislated in the case of local elections in Namibia). The PR system is more conducive to women’s participation because parties vote for a party rather than for candidates, and provided parties distribute women evenly in the list they are bound to get in. The African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa is the first party in the region to have adopted a voluntary fifty-fifty quota followed through at national and local level. However, when the ANC lost ground in the May 2011 election, the proportion of women also declined from 40% to 38%. This has led to a call for legislated quotas in South Africa so that all parties, and not just the ANC, honour the 50/50 obligation.
Countries with the FPTP system have argued that quotas are impossible in this system but Lesotho shattered this myth through a system of 30% seats reserved for women in its 2005 elections. An additional 28% women won seats in the openly contested seats, giving Lesotho 58% women at this level – the only case of political decision-making in SADC in which women exceed men. But, claims of unfairness by men led Lesotho to revise the system. Rather than abandon the quota, Lesotho has borrowed from Tanzania, which has a FPTP system in which an additional 30% of seats are distributed to parties for women only on a PR basis.
This will be the system used in local elections in Lesotho later this year. Delegates hailed this as yet another example that innovative solutions are possible. “Countries with a constituency system can no longer claim that there are no options on quotas,” Chirisa said. “This all boils down to political will.”
The Alliance, organised through 15 country networks and ten theme clusters, is stepping up the drive for the implementation of the Protocol through action plans at national level and regional campaigns that leverage efforts on the ground to ensure the 28 targets are attained.
For more information please contact Fanny Chirisa on 00 263 772 372 881 or Loveness Jambaya Nyakujarah on 00 27 11 622 2877 or go to www.sadcgenderprotocol.org.
Thursday, August 4, 2011
When Did Malawi First Had a Crippling Forex Shortage?
in 1979, during former President, Kamuzu Banda's, regime.
Such a long, long time.
It has been a long time.
That is why it is strange now; as most of the people are part of the new generation.
Such a long, long time.
It has been a long time.
That is why it is strange now; as most of the people are part of the new generation.
Malawi Engages Zimbabwe Police Agents, Imports 20, 000 Battle Sticks From China
The government of Malawi is leaving no stone unturned in its quest to suppress the forth-coming August 17, 2011 Mass Demonstrations against escalating socio-economic challenges.
Civil Society leaders have given embattled President Bingu wa Mutharika until August 17 to respond to the petitions they presented during the bloody July 20 demonstrations.
But Information and Civic Education Minister, Symon Vuwa-Kaunda, maintained in an interview with Zachimalawi on Thursday Mutharika is yet to receive the petitions.
"As far as I know, no single petition has reached the President yet. How does one act on something that is not there? However, we would like to urge Malawians not to be used by people with ill-motives. Let us maintain our peace," said Vuwa-Kaunda.
Presidential Spokesperson, Dr. Hetherwick Ntaba, said he was yet to verify with the President on the issue of the petitions, and promised to make a public announcement within the next nine days.
"Let me cross-check first and, then, we will come up with our public position on both the petitions said to have been presented, and the August 17, demonstrations. Personally, I think it is a bad idea, looking at the number of people who lost their lives, and the bad image we are relaing to the rest of the world. We are a peaceful nation; let us maintain this peace," said Ntaba.
However, government's recent appeals for unity and peace contradict what is going on on the ground.
Sources told Zachimalawi in Lilongwe on Tuesday and Wednesday that Mutharika's government has engaged an extra-gear in its quest to frustrate the planned August 17 demonstrations.
Among other preparatory measures, Malawi has engaged the Zimbabwean government on the need to deploy its law enforcement agents. Already, unconfirmed reports indicate that Zimbabwean Police officers were also engaged during the July 17 demonstrations.
Apart from the possibility of enlisting Zimbabwe's police service, govenment has already imported 20, 000 battle sticks in preparation for a crack down on demonstrators.
As part of this crack down, government plans to prevent people from getting to the Central Business Districts of Malawi's main cities of Lilongwe, Mzuzu, Zomba, Blantyre.
But the civil society leaders are unfazed.
"The president has been making regrettable public statements, including those insinuating that the victims of the July 20 demonstrations died for nothing. This is painful, and is one of the reasons- aside from fuel and forex shortage crises- we will continue to press ahead with demonstrations. We will not relent; peaceful demonstrations are a human right," said Undule Mwakasungula, one of the civil sociey leaders to have been publicly singled out by Mutharika.
Mutharika has promised to 'deal' with Mwakasungula (Chairperson for the Human Rights Consultative Committee, HRCC), HRCC's acting National Coordinator The Rev. MacDonald Sembereka, Vice-President Joyce Banda, veteran leader of the Opposition in Parliament John Zenus Ungapake Tembo, among others.
The president has asked institutions that suffered from massive property damage during the July 20 demonstrations to take the mentioned leaders to court.
On Wednesday, Mutharika continued his damage-assessment tour, and was in the Southern Region.
State-run Malawi Broadcasting Corporation radio and television have capitalised on the assessment tours to mobilise people against marching, citing the damage inflicted on property during the July 20 demonstrations.
Prior to the July 20 demonstrations, the very same public media went on bad-mouthing rampage, disseminating information that the demonstrations' real intent was not to express dissatisfaction against deteriorating livilihoods but the promotion of gay rights.
That, apparently, backfired as more people than expected turned up for the demonstrations. This came against the background of a court injunction stopping leaders of the demos and all 'unknown' people from going ahead with their plan.
The injuncton was obtained close to midnight, and he delays to vacate it played angry games on people's minds,a factor that organisers have blamed for the violence that errupted on the da.
Part of the blame has also gone to Police officers, especially those from Lilongwe; they beat people up for no apparent reason, and these included organisers and journalists.
With civil society leaders saying the demos will go ahead come August 17, First Lady Callista Mutharika bashing NGOs for promoting minority rights, government importing battle sticks from Mainland China at a time of a forex crisis, the engagement of Zimbabwe police- all could be set for an interesting spectacle.
The coming in of Zimbabwe is not a surprise to Malawians. The Southern African Development Community member state, under the dynamic leadership of Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe, owes Malawi millions in default of maize supplies.
President Mutharika's government was last month engaged to secret discussions with the Zimbabwean regime on the possibility of rubbing off the debt.
But government officials have denied reports Malawi has 'forgiven' Zimbabwe on the debt issue, saying the enangement of Zimbabwe police could be one of the means of 'forgetting' the debt.
As of Mainland China's envolvement, few are surprised. The Chinese Ambassador to Malawi was last week condemning the demos, saying the damage suffered was 'irreparable'.
In fact, wo Chinese ICT experts arrived in Malawi three weeks ago, and are being blamed for fanning out Nyasa Times from public access in Malawi.
Malawi is going through challenges of sorts.There seems to be no short-term
solution.
President Mutharika has ridiculed civil society leaders for organising demonstrations that have never offered solutions to the fuel and forex shortage problem.
"Do we have fuel, or forex, after the July 20 demonstrations? I say no," Mutharika said in Zomba recently.
It is a direct reference to the public lecture he organised on the day of the demos at the New State House in Lilongwe. Civil Society leaders leaders such as Faustace Chirwa and Catherine Munthali attended.
Taking its turn, civil society leaders have wondered whether Mutharika's July 20 lecture has led to the end of fuel and forex shortage.
Asks Benedicto Kondowe, National Codinator for the Civil Society Coalition for Quality Basic Education: "Has President Bingu wa Mutharika's lecture ended fuel and forex shortage? No."
Malawi is becoming an interesting place; a place of so many questions, and a myriad of answers- all of which scale over the point.
It may be for this reason that First Lady Callista Mutharika this week bashed civil society leaders for raising points irrelevant to the needs of rural masses. She said people at the grassroots level need neither fuel nor forex.
What she overlooked, apparently, is the fact that pregnant women in rural areas need ambulances (which ambulances need fuel for combustion) to ferry them to referral hospitals in cases of labour complications and other health complications.
This, therefore, contradicts her role as Ambassador for Safe Motherhood.
That, too, is the reason Malawi has referral hospitals. Complications always occur, that is a fact.
These complications have rippled the socio-economic fabric of Malawi, and the symptoms include lack of fuel and foreign currency.
Callista has ignored, and said, bruntly this week: "Things are going on well in this country."
It is the first time an incumbent President's wife has spoken out strongly in support of her husband.
But this has raised questions, too.
Has Callista started calling the shots in Bingu wa Mutharika's head?
Neither public lecturers nor demonstrations, no matter how peaceful, can answer this.
Only Callista Mutharika can.
Nevertheless, what Callista can not bring- at least, for now- is an end to forex and fuel shortage.
She ca only bring trouble and confusion, adding on to the fire of anarchy burning through Malawi's twinkling skies.
Civil Society leaders have given embattled President Bingu wa Mutharika until August 17 to respond to the petitions they presented during the bloody July 20 demonstrations.
But Information and Civic Education Minister, Symon Vuwa-Kaunda, maintained in an interview with Zachimalawi on Thursday Mutharika is yet to receive the petitions.
"As far as I know, no single petition has reached the President yet. How does one act on something that is not there? However, we would like to urge Malawians not to be used by people with ill-motives. Let us maintain our peace," said Vuwa-Kaunda.
Presidential Spokesperson, Dr. Hetherwick Ntaba, said he was yet to verify with the President on the issue of the petitions, and promised to make a public announcement within the next nine days.
"Let me cross-check first and, then, we will come up with our public position on both the petitions said to have been presented, and the August 17, demonstrations. Personally, I think it is a bad idea, looking at the number of people who lost their lives, and the bad image we are relaing to the rest of the world. We are a peaceful nation; let us maintain this peace," said Ntaba.
However, government's recent appeals for unity and peace contradict what is going on on the ground.
Sources told Zachimalawi in Lilongwe on Tuesday and Wednesday that Mutharika's government has engaged an extra-gear in its quest to frustrate the planned August 17 demonstrations.
Among other preparatory measures, Malawi has engaged the Zimbabwean government on the need to deploy its law enforcement agents. Already, unconfirmed reports indicate that Zimbabwean Police officers were also engaged during the July 17 demonstrations.
Apart from the possibility of enlisting Zimbabwe's police service, govenment has already imported 20, 000 battle sticks in preparation for a crack down on demonstrators.
As part of this crack down, government plans to prevent people from getting to the Central Business Districts of Malawi's main cities of Lilongwe, Mzuzu, Zomba, Blantyre.
But the civil society leaders are unfazed.
"The president has been making regrettable public statements, including those insinuating that the victims of the July 20 demonstrations died for nothing. This is painful, and is one of the reasons- aside from fuel and forex shortage crises- we will continue to press ahead with demonstrations. We will not relent; peaceful demonstrations are a human right," said Undule Mwakasungula, one of the civil sociey leaders to have been publicly singled out by Mutharika.
Mutharika has promised to 'deal' with Mwakasungula (Chairperson for the Human Rights Consultative Committee, HRCC), HRCC's acting National Coordinator The Rev. MacDonald Sembereka, Vice-President Joyce Banda, veteran leader of the Opposition in Parliament John Zenus Ungapake Tembo, among others.
The president has asked institutions that suffered from massive property damage during the July 20 demonstrations to take the mentioned leaders to court.
On Wednesday, Mutharika continued his damage-assessment tour, and was in the Southern Region.
State-run Malawi Broadcasting Corporation radio and television have capitalised on the assessment tours to mobilise people against marching, citing the damage inflicted on property during the July 20 demonstrations.
Prior to the July 20 demonstrations, the very same public media went on bad-mouthing rampage, disseminating information that the demonstrations' real intent was not to express dissatisfaction against deteriorating livilihoods but the promotion of gay rights.
That, apparently, backfired as more people than expected turned up for the demonstrations. This came against the background of a court injunction stopping leaders of the demos and all 'unknown' people from going ahead with their plan.
The injuncton was obtained close to midnight, and he delays to vacate it played angry games on people's minds,a factor that organisers have blamed for the violence that errupted on the da.
Part of the blame has also gone to Police officers, especially those from Lilongwe; they beat people up for no apparent reason, and these included organisers and journalists.
With civil society leaders saying the demos will go ahead come August 17, First Lady Callista Mutharika bashing NGOs for promoting minority rights, government importing battle sticks from Mainland China at a time of a forex crisis, the engagement of Zimbabwe police- all could be set for an interesting spectacle.
The coming in of Zimbabwe is not a surprise to Malawians. The Southern African Development Community member state, under the dynamic leadership of Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe, owes Malawi millions in default of maize supplies.
President Mutharika's government was last month engaged to secret discussions with the Zimbabwean regime on the possibility of rubbing off the debt.
But government officials have denied reports Malawi has 'forgiven' Zimbabwe on the debt issue, saying the enangement of Zimbabwe police could be one of the means of 'forgetting' the debt.
As of Mainland China's envolvement, few are surprised. The Chinese Ambassador to Malawi was last week condemning the demos, saying the damage suffered was 'irreparable'.
In fact, wo Chinese ICT experts arrived in Malawi three weeks ago, and are being blamed for fanning out Nyasa Times from public access in Malawi.
Malawi is going through challenges of sorts.There seems to be no short-term
solution.
President Mutharika has ridiculed civil society leaders for organising demonstrations that have never offered solutions to the fuel and forex shortage problem.
"Do we have fuel, or forex, after the July 20 demonstrations? I say no," Mutharika said in Zomba recently.
It is a direct reference to the public lecture he organised on the day of the demos at the New State House in Lilongwe. Civil Society leaders leaders such as Faustace Chirwa and Catherine Munthali attended.
Taking its turn, civil society leaders have wondered whether Mutharika's July 20 lecture has led to the end of fuel and forex shortage.
Asks Benedicto Kondowe, National Codinator for the Civil Society Coalition for Quality Basic Education: "Has President Bingu wa Mutharika's lecture ended fuel and forex shortage? No."
Malawi is becoming an interesting place; a place of so many questions, and a myriad of answers- all of which scale over the point.
It may be for this reason that First Lady Callista Mutharika this week bashed civil society leaders for raising points irrelevant to the needs of rural masses. She said people at the grassroots level need neither fuel nor forex.
What she overlooked, apparently, is the fact that pregnant women in rural areas need ambulances (which ambulances need fuel for combustion) to ferry them to referral hospitals in cases of labour complications and other health complications.
This, therefore, contradicts her role as Ambassador for Safe Motherhood.
That, too, is the reason Malawi has referral hospitals. Complications always occur, that is a fact.
These complications have rippled the socio-economic fabric of Malawi, and the symptoms include lack of fuel and foreign currency.
Callista has ignored, and said, bruntly this week: "Things are going on well in this country."
It is the first time an incumbent President's wife has spoken out strongly in support of her husband.
But this has raised questions, too.
Has Callista started calling the shots in Bingu wa Mutharika's head?
Neither public lecturers nor demonstrations, no matter how peaceful, can answer this.
Only Callista Mutharika can.
Nevertheless, what Callista can not bring- at least, for now- is an end to forex and fuel shortage.
She ca only bring trouble and confusion, adding on to the fire of anarchy burning through Malawi's twinkling skies.
Here Comes Ken Zikhale Ng'oma!
With a bang.
But without that Afro, his image is stripped bare.
Ken, we need that Afro!
But without that Afro, his image is stripped bare.
Ken, we need that Afro!
Callista Mutharika is Right
In deed, all the NGOs should, as Callista Mutharika bruntly says, "Go to hell".
She has her reasons; she knows them better.
She has her reasons; she knows them better.
Thursday, July 28, 2011
Bingu wa Mutharika Has Lost Direction- Joyce Banda
Vice-President Joyce Banda says events of July 20, 2011 show that President Bingu wa Mutharika has lost touch with the ground and has, therefore, lost direction.
Banda told Zachimalawi that she is sad and 'dismayed' at the death of the 18 people, adding that this could be the beginning of a sad chapter "in the history of Malawi".
"Every one is living in fear of the President these days, which is against democratic principles. But Malawian people are strong, and stand up to dictatorial tendencies. I do not see the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) winning in 2014," said Banda.
But ruling DPP Spokesperson, Dr. Hetherwick Ntaba, said Banda is building castles in the air.
"The DPP is the only national party in Malawi, and is poised to win overwhelmingly in 2014. Within just six years, the President has done a lot for this country," said Ntaba.
Banda told Zachimalawi that she is sad and 'dismayed' at the death of the 18 people, adding that this could be the beginning of a sad chapter "in the history of Malawi".
"Every one is living in fear of the President these days, which is against democratic principles. But Malawian people are strong, and stand up to dictatorial tendencies. I do not see the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) winning in 2014," said Banda.
But ruling DPP Spokesperson, Dr. Hetherwick Ntaba, said Banda is building castles in the air.
"The DPP is the only national party in Malawi, and is poised to win overwhelmingly in 2014. Within just six years, the President has done a lot for this country," said Ntaba.
At the High Court in Blantyre
Busy following court proceedings in the contempt of court case between the University of Malawi Council and the Chancellor College Academic Staff Union (Ccasu).
The main actors are Professor James Seyani, University Council chairperson, and Dr. Jessie Kabwila-Kapasula, Ccasu acting president.
With the likes of UNIMA Vice-Chancellor, Dr. Emmanuel Fabiano and Chancellor College and Malawi Polytechnic lecturers in the shaddows of this giant fight called Academic Freedom, Malawi's education system has never had a greater test.
The main actors are Professor James Seyani, University Council chairperson, and Dr. Jessie Kabwila-Kapasula, Ccasu acting president.
With the likes of UNIMA Vice-Chancellor, Dr. Emmanuel Fabiano and Chancellor College and Malawi Polytechnic lecturers in the shaddows of this giant fight called Academic Freedom, Malawi's education system has never had a greater test.
Wednesday, July 27, 2011
Millennium Challenge Corporation Places Operational Hold on Malawi Compact
The Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) is a U.S. Government agency that provides development assistance to countries that demonstrate a commitment to good governance. At the core of an MCC partnership is the expectation that countries maintain a demonstrated commitment to political pluralism, human rights, and the rule of law throughout the life of the program. MCC is deeply concerned by recent events in Malawi and is placing an immediate hold on all program operations in order to review its partnership with Malawi, including whether to recommend to its Board of Directors to suspend or terminate its assistance.
MCC signed a five-year, $350 million Compact with the Government of Malawi on April 7, 2011. The Compact is focused on Malawi’s power sector and is expected to benefit nearly 6 million Malawians. By reducing power outages and technical losses, enhancing the sustainability and efficiency of hydropower generation, and improving service to electricity consumers, the Compact is designed to reduce energy costs to enterprises and households; improve productivity in the agriculture, manufacturing and services sectors; and support the preservation and creation of employment opportunities in the economy.
MCC’s operational hold will bring to a halt all ongoing Compact activities during the review.
Mayeso Chirwa
Information Specialist
Public Affairs Section
Embassy of the United States of America
MCC signed a five-year, $350 million Compact with the Government of Malawi on April 7, 2011. The Compact is focused on Malawi’s power sector and is expected to benefit nearly 6 million Malawians. By reducing power outages and technical losses, enhancing the sustainability and efficiency of hydropower generation, and improving service to electricity consumers, the Compact is designed to reduce energy costs to enterprises and households; improve productivity in the agriculture, manufacturing and services sectors; and support the preservation and creation of employment opportunities in the economy.
MCC’s operational hold will bring to a halt all ongoing Compact activities during the review.
Mayeso Chirwa
Information Specialist
Public Affairs Section
Embassy of the United States of America
TIME FOR DEMOCRATIC DIALOGUE IN MALAWI
NEWS RELEASE – Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Trust (SAHRDT)
TIME FOR DEMOCRATIC DIALOGUE IN MALAWI
NOT DEATH THREATS AND UNFOUNDED TREASON CHARGES
Johannesburg, July 26: In the wake of last week’s bloody demonstrations in Malawi, the Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Trust (SAHRDT) calls on President Bingu wa Mutharika to engage in an open, national debate about the country’s future – rather than resorting to more inflammatory attacks on civil society leaders and pro-democracy activists. Any intention of charging the organisers of the protests – who were merely exercising their constitutional rights – with treason should also be abandoned since the allegations are clearly unfounded and absurd.
Many of the coordinators of the ‘For a better Malawi’ demonstrations and their families have received death threats and some of them are now in hiding – genuinely fearing for their lives and the lives of their loved ones. Those in hiding include Undule Mwakasungula, Gift Trapence, Rafiq Hajat and Luther Mambala. These threats can be linked to the President’s public remarks about dealing with leaders of the demonstration – that he would ‘smoke them out’ and charge them for treason for trying to overthrow his government.
We call upon President wa Mutharika to immediately refrain from using inflammatory language when referring to civic leaders, as this can be interpreted as orders to ruling party members, sympathisers and government officials to target those linked to the marches and indeed anyone critical of his government’s policies. We further appeal to President wa Mutharika to desist from any political or legal harassment of civic leaders – and instead to involve them in meaningful debate about the best way forward for the country.
SAHRDT
TIME FOR DEMOCRATIC DIALOGUE IN MALAWI
NOT DEATH THREATS AND UNFOUNDED TREASON CHARGES
Johannesburg, July 26: In the wake of last week’s bloody demonstrations in Malawi, the Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Trust (SAHRDT) calls on President Bingu wa Mutharika to engage in an open, national debate about the country’s future – rather than resorting to more inflammatory attacks on civil society leaders and pro-democracy activists. Any intention of charging the organisers of the protests – who were merely exercising their constitutional rights – with treason should also be abandoned since the allegations are clearly unfounded and absurd.
Many of the coordinators of the ‘For a better Malawi’ demonstrations and their families have received death threats and some of them are now in hiding – genuinely fearing for their lives and the lives of their loved ones. Those in hiding include Undule Mwakasungula, Gift Trapence, Rafiq Hajat and Luther Mambala. These threats can be linked to the President’s public remarks about dealing with leaders of the demonstration – that he would ‘smoke them out’ and charge them for treason for trying to overthrow his government.
We call upon President wa Mutharika to immediately refrain from using inflammatory language when referring to civic leaders, as this can be interpreted as orders to ruling party members, sympathisers and government officials to target those linked to the marches and indeed anyone critical of his government’s policies. We further appeal to President wa Mutharika to desist from any political or legal harassment of civic leaders – and instead to involve them in meaningful debate about the best way forward for the country.
SAHRDT
Tuesday, July 26, 2011
18
Out of the village now.
18.
It is quiet where they used to swim.
And dream.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
The air beats,
Slowly.
It may be them,
The 18 sacrifices of freedom.
What?
You say Willie Mwaluka calls them criminals?
Perhaps Willie was waking up from a deep slumber.
He was at a party, Willie:
Perhaps.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
The trees shake,
And tremble.
It's them,
Perhaps.
The 18.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
The Big One says Eleven!
He was away, perhaps:
Touring his fish pond.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
The clenched fists:
He has vowed revenge;
To walk in the streets.
Unarmed,
No bodyguard!
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
He is day-dreaming;
He bathes with shoes on in the bath tab.
A coward: He fears the soil!
He carries a carpet in his former school bag.
To roll it down when planting maize.
And rice.
When harvesting figs in his dreams.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
Salute the 18,
And not the gun sounds.
The eye-less bullet.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
He is counting the damage;
With his swollen eyes.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
He is assessing losses,
With his fingers.
A wave in the air,
It's not the fresh air,
Or part of the fun fare.
It's the 18:
Chasing them away in the winds,
At the stroke of his hands.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
It is everywhere:
The silence.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
Eighteen!
18.
It is quiet where they used to swim.
And dream.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
The air beats,
Slowly.
It may be them,
The 18 sacrifices of freedom.
What?
You say Willie Mwaluka calls them criminals?
Perhaps Willie was waking up from a deep slumber.
He was at a party, Willie:
Perhaps.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
The trees shake,
And tremble.
It's them,
Perhaps.
The 18.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
The Big One says Eleven!
He was away, perhaps:
Touring his fish pond.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
The clenched fists:
He has vowed revenge;
To walk in the streets.
Unarmed,
No bodyguard!
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
He is day-dreaming;
He bathes with shoes on in the bath tab.
A coward: He fears the soil!
He carries a carpet in his former school bag.
To roll it down when planting maize.
And rice.
When harvesting figs in his dreams.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
Salute the 18,
And not the gun sounds.
The eye-less bullet.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
He is counting the damage;
With his swollen eyes.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
He is assessing losses,
With his fingers.
A wave in the air,
It's not the fresh air,
Or part of the fun fare.
It's the 18:
Chasing them away in the winds,
At the stroke of his hands.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
It is everywhere:
The silence.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
Eighteen!
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
Silence.
And...
Just tears.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
And...
Just tears.
Shiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!
Monday, July 25, 2011
A Look at Big Brother Amplified: The Great Moments, the Gaffes
...Voting has not yet started
...To start this evening
...remember, the title for this week's project is 'Lomwe Throughout'!
In deed, it is 'Lomwe Throughout'!
But Karen, too, has rocked.
She sent me into guggles on Sunday, after Millicent's eviction, when she said, pointing at one of the Big Brother Amplified bouncers: "The bouncer, I told you- go!"
Karen also made me smile when she stripped naked in the Jacuzzi. Of course, you and I saw nothing of her 'meat', but that was great. Crazy too.
To say the truth, Karen is better than those two flukes: Kelvin and Uti.
Kelvin and Uti's victory is a typical example of cheating at the highest level, and that remains the shameful moments in Big Brother Africa history.
As I said last time, Kelvin and Uti's victory confirmed (at that time) that Nigerians were the official thieves of the world!
Not with Karen. she has been awesome. She has entertained Africa. She has enchanted us. And she will win come Sunday, not because Nigerians have shown during the past two Big Brother Africa seasons that they remain the world's 'Official Thieves', but because Karen deserves it.
Well, after Karen, there is only Lomwe to beat. Lomwe has been cool, and I am happy that my votes have not dissolved in the waters of eviction: they have kept Lomwe in the House and, possibly, on the waiting list for the US$200,000 grand prize.
Go, boy Lomwe go!
In conclusion, let me say that IK, too, seems to be gaining confidence every season. He is presenting it well, actually, save for the couple of times his two lips stuck onto each other and he stumbled and stammered.
IK's only shame came on Sunday, during the Eviction Show, when, upon asking Nigerian co-representative Vina to tell her fellow Housemates whom she swarped for whom, he advised her not to panick since "everyone" knew it was a tough decision she made.
That is unnecessary interference into the game. Where did IK get the powers to speak on our behalf like that. His tune was that of bias, and Endemol Africa will do well to advise against such irresponsible utterances.
After all, we all know that every 'Swap and Replace session' is tough, and fuels confusion and mistrust in the house. That is part of the excitement, and makes the game likeable competitive.
It is sweet, too.
And IK went against this grain of fun to console Vina, and say that everyone knew she had to make a tough decision. That was clueless, IK, giving the game away unnecessarily.
Perhaps, as a Nigeria, he knows something we do not.
Then, there is the time Big Brother (himself) made that gaffe- telling co-Malawian representative Felicia Ngoma(Now at home, but planning to travel to South Africa for the final show this week) that "Felicia, you have 60 seconds to live the house" instead of saying Felicia had ten minutes to pack her bags.
That gaffe was a form of modern nonsense for sure!
By the way, what is wrong with Big Brother Amplified? Adverts are jamming.
Sometimes, IK cannot communicate with the housemates (technical problems).
Sometimes, like yesterday, IK speaks on behalf of the Head of House (especially when she is Nigerian). I am talking about such sentiments as "Vina, don't be hard on yourself, everyone knows it was a tough decision".
Which everyone?
Do not spoil our show.
Otherwise, it has a been a 12-week exciting journey. I have always loved Big Brother Africa, starting from the first season of Zein Dudha and friends.
I love Big Brother Africa.
And will continue to love (not like) the show.
Every year, when the minute comes to take the show off air, I gaze at the TV screen waiting for the darkness that is to come, and then watch in disdain as one more season dissolves into the blue (when you lose the picture on the screen) colour on the TV screen.
I must admit that a tear, or two, dribbles from the eye sockets. It is always painful for me, as a viewer, but wondeful to the soul that carts the Grand Prize home.
Form then, it is another wait- long, long wait- for the other Africans that will come, to turn our lips into folders of smiles that always come.
Wishing Boy Lomwe well.
To Miss Big Brother Amplified (because it will never coe again, 'Amplified')
Long Live Big Brother Africa.
How I miss K.B.
...To start this evening
...remember, the title for this week's project is 'Lomwe Throughout'!
In deed, it is 'Lomwe Throughout'!
But Karen, too, has rocked.
She sent me into guggles on Sunday, after Millicent's eviction, when she said, pointing at one of the Big Brother Amplified bouncers: "The bouncer, I told you- go!"
Karen also made me smile when she stripped naked in the Jacuzzi. Of course, you and I saw nothing of her 'meat', but that was great. Crazy too.
To say the truth, Karen is better than those two flukes: Kelvin and Uti.
Kelvin and Uti's victory is a typical example of cheating at the highest level, and that remains the shameful moments in Big Brother Africa history.
As I said last time, Kelvin and Uti's victory confirmed (at that time) that Nigerians were the official thieves of the world!
Not with Karen. she has been awesome. She has entertained Africa. She has enchanted us. And she will win come Sunday, not because Nigerians have shown during the past two Big Brother Africa seasons that they remain the world's 'Official Thieves', but because Karen deserves it.
Well, after Karen, there is only Lomwe to beat. Lomwe has been cool, and I am happy that my votes have not dissolved in the waters of eviction: they have kept Lomwe in the House and, possibly, on the waiting list for the US$200,000 grand prize.
Go, boy Lomwe go!
In conclusion, let me say that IK, too, seems to be gaining confidence every season. He is presenting it well, actually, save for the couple of times his two lips stuck onto each other and he stumbled and stammered.
IK's only shame came on Sunday, during the Eviction Show, when, upon asking Nigerian co-representative Vina to tell her fellow Housemates whom she swarped for whom, he advised her not to panick since "everyone" knew it was a tough decision she made.
That is unnecessary interference into the game. Where did IK get the powers to speak on our behalf like that. His tune was that of bias, and Endemol Africa will do well to advise against such irresponsible utterances.
After all, we all know that every 'Swap and Replace session' is tough, and fuels confusion and mistrust in the house. That is part of the excitement, and makes the game likeable competitive.
It is sweet, too.
And IK went against this grain of fun to console Vina, and say that everyone knew she had to make a tough decision. That was clueless, IK, giving the game away unnecessarily.
Perhaps, as a Nigeria, he knows something we do not.
Then, there is the time Big Brother (himself) made that gaffe- telling co-Malawian representative Felicia Ngoma(Now at home, but planning to travel to South Africa for the final show this week) that "Felicia, you have 60 seconds to live the house" instead of saying Felicia had ten minutes to pack her bags.
That gaffe was a form of modern nonsense for sure!
By the way, what is wrong with Big Brother Amplified? Adverts are jamming.
Sometimes, IK cannot communicate with the housemates (technical problems).
Sometimes, like yesterday, IK speaks on behalf of the Head of House (especially when she is Nigerian). I am talking about such sentiments as "Vina, don't be hard on yourself, everyone knows it was a tough decision".
Which everyone?
Do not spoil our show.
Otherwise, it has a been a 12-week exciting journey. I have always loved Big Brother Africa, starting from the first season of Zein Dudha and friends.
I love Big Brother Africa.
And will continue to love (not like) the show.
Every year, when the minute comes to take the show off air, I gaze at the TV screen waiting for the darkness that is to come, and then watch in disdain as one more season dissolves into the blue (when you lose the picture on the screen) colour on the TV screen.
I must admit that a tear, or two, dribbles from the eye sockets. It is always painful for me, as a viewer, but wondeful to the soul that carts the Grand Prize home.
Form then, it is another wait- long, long wait- for the other Africans that will come, to turn our lips into folders of smiles that always come.
Wishing Boy Lomwe well.
To Miss Big Brother Amplified (because it will never coe again, 'Amplified')
Long Live Big Brother Africa.
How I miss K.B.
Police Officers Stop UDF Rally in Blantyre
...Atupele Muluzi Obtains Court Injunction
...Rally takes place
The United Democratic Front (UDF) had its meeting stopped by Nyambadwe Police officers in Blantyre on Sunday, but the mass rally still went ahead, thanks to Malawi's judicial independence.
Save for the late commencement, the rally was well-attended.
Hordes of women and youths were seen clad in UDF's traditional yellow-and-blue attire at Nyambadwe Ground, venue of the meeting, and located just some 40 metres from Nyambadwe Police Station.
The meeting was organised by former State President, Bakili Muluzi's, son Atupele.
And, in a new twist to UDF's continued confusion, all legislators belonging to the former ruling party attended the meeting. They included UDF Leader in Parliament Ibrahim Matola, who led the gathering into the song..."Oyendetsa boma, samwa mowa!".
However, party followers had to brace two more hours in the biting cold as Police officers tussled with party officials over 'national security' issues.
The law enforcers were of the opinion that the rally wasill-timed, coming at a time when Malawi was just recovering from mass demonstrations- probably the worst since Malawi embraced multiparty politics of governance in 1994.
At least 18 people died in the demonstrations, and Police officers were keen to prevent the meeting on the basis that it would as a continuation of the July 20 events. However, government is trying to downplay he figures by pegging the number of victims at 11.
This campaign to downplay the figures is being spearheaded by President Bingu wa Mutharika. The President started mentioning the figure 11 in Zomba, barely two days after the death of 18 people as confirmed by Ministry of Health officials.
Ministry of Health Spokesperson, Henry Chimbali, told to BBC and Zachimalawi on Thursday 18 people had died.
But it is not clear why the head of the Executive Branch of government is trying to downplay the numbers of the dead.
However, lawyers such as former Attorney General Ralph Kasambara have indicated on their Facebook pages that the development could be part of a government ploy to 'run away' from the Hague.
This means that, in the opinion of some key public figures, Mutharika and is cohorts are afraid of accounting for their deeds to the International Criminal Court (ICC) one day.
But Mutharika has never hidden his disdain for the ICC. When he was African Union Chairperson, he often criticised the ICC for interfering in African affairs, and his argument was always that Africa has equally-competent courts that, once given the jurisdiction, would do a good job.
He described ICC's work as nothing short of interference in a sovereign state's affairs and, thus, a violation of the United Nations instrument of sovereignty.
Atupele Muluzi did not bulge but, instead, sought the help of his lawyers who successfully obtained a court injunction paving way for the rally.
And the rally went ahead.
However, while Atupele enchanted the public by imitating his father's voice, he failed to become clear on whether he would stand for the UDF's presidency.
He also fell short of portlaying the image of an independent person as he kept on mimmicking his father's voice and mannerisms, raising fears that what other UDF factons are saying that his (Atupele's) candidature would, in effect, be Bakili's Third Term by default.
"I will announce my stance (on whether he will compete for the UDF presidency) in September," said Atupele.
The signs that he will stand are clear, however, looking at the top UDF figures, including MPs, who attended the meeting.
...Rally takes place
The United Democratic Front (UDF) had its meeting stopped by Nyambadwe Police officers in Blantyre on Sunday, but the mass rally still went ahead, thanks to Malawi's judicial independence.
Save for the late commencement, the rally was well-attended.
Hordes of women and youths were seen clad in UDF's traditional yellow-and-blue attire at Nyambadwe Ground, venue of the meeting, and located just some 40 metres from Nyambadwe Police Station.
The meeting was organised by former State President, Bakili Muluzi's, son Atupele.
And, in a new twist to UDF's continued confusion, all legislators belonging to the former ruling party attended the meeting. They included UDF Leader in Parliament Ibrahim Matola, who led the gathering into the song..."Oyendetsa boma, samwa mowa!".
However, party followers had to brace two more hours in the biting cold as Police officers tussled with party officials over 'national security' issues.
The law enforcers were of the opinion that the rally wasill-timed, coming at a time when Malawi was just recovering from mass demonstrations- probably the worst since Malawi embraced multiparty politics of governance in 1994.
At least 18 people died in the demonstrations, and Police officers were keen to prevent the meeting on the basis that it would as a continuation of the July 20 events. However, government is trying to downplay he figures by pegging the number of victims at 11.
This campaign to downplay the figures is being spearheaded by President Bingu wa Mutharika. The President started mentioning the figure 11 in Zomba, barely two days after the death of 18 people as confirmed by Ministry of Health officials.
Ministry of Health Spokesperson, Henry Chimbali, told to BBC and Zachimalawi on Thursday 18 people had died.
But it is not clear why the head of the Executive Branch of government is trying to downplay the numbers of the dead.
However, lawyers such as former Attorney General Ralph Kasambara have indicated on their Facebook pages that the development could be part of a government ploy to 'run away' from the Hague.
This means that, in the opinion of some key public figures, Mutharika and is cohorts are afraid of accounting for their deeds to the International Criminal Court (ICC) one day.
But Mutharika has never hidden his disdain for the ICC. When he was African Union Chairperson, he often criticised the ICC for interfering in African affairs, and his argument was always that Africa has equally-competent courts that, once given the jurisdiction, would do a good job.
He described ICC's work as nothing short of interference in a sovereign state's affairs and, thus, a violation of the United Nations instrument of sovereignty.
Atupele Muluzi did not bulge but, instead, sought the help of his lawyers who successfully obtained a court injunction paving way for the rally.
And the rally went ahead.
However, while Atupele enchanted the public by imitating his father's voice, he failed to become clear on whether he would stand for the UDF's presidency.
He also fell short of portlaying the image of an independent person as he kept on mimmicking his father's voice and mannerisms, raising fears that what other UDF factons are saying that his (Atupele's) candidature would, in effect, be Bakili's Third Term by default.
"I will announce my stance (on whether he will compete for the UDF presidency) in September," said Atupele.
The signs that he will stand are clear, however, looking at the top UDF figures, including MPs, who attended the meeting.
Bingu's Many Faces
...When shall all this come to an end?
On Thursday, a day after the July 20 demonstrations, President Bingu wa Mutharika wore a long face- the mark of a scornfulman nolonger poisoners.
It was around one O'clock when he bulleted his sad counternance through people's television screens.
Mutharika was an actor, then, playing a game called 'National Address'.
He expressed sadness at the events of the previous day, and appealed for dialogue.
Hardly 48 hours later, Mutharika was a changed man. The wrinkles had left his long face, and the face was twisted- the dot of a scornful man.
He was, in his short-faced rants, outright outrageous.
He mentioned names of people- including Leader of Opposition in Parliament John Zenus Ungapake Tembo, Human Rights Consultative Committee's chairperson Undule Mwakasungula (and his national cordinator, Rev. MacDonald Sembereka), Vice-President Joyce Banda, among others- and promised to deal with them.
Mutharika even threatened that, should these folks organise one more demonstration, "we will meet in the streets".
He added that "I will deal with you", and proceeded to say how peaceful Malawi was, and just how he was not ready to let this peace disappear in the flames of anarchy.
Many people and organisations have spoken out against these sentiments, and these include the Public Affairs Committee, United Democratic Front, and civil society organisation leaders.
But Zachimalawi is not surprised with Mutharika's behaviour; he has always been thus.
He has so many contradictory faces.
But, going back to Zachimalawi's Theme for July, we ask: When Shall All This Come to an End?
On Thursday, a day after the July 20 demonstrations, President Bingu wa Mutharika wore a long face- the mark of a scornfulman nolonger poisoners.
It was around one O'clock when he bulleted his sad counternance through people's television screens.
Mutharika was an actor, then, playing a game called 'National Address'.
He expressed sadness at the events of the previous day, and appealed for dialogue.
Hardly 48 hours later, Mutharika was a changed man. The wrinkles had left his long face, and the face was twisted- the dot of a scornful man.
He was, in his short-faced rants, outright outrageous.
He mentioned names of people- including Leader of Opposition in Parliament John Zenus Ungapake Tembo, Human Rights Consultative Committee's chairperson Undule Mwakasungula (and his national cordinator, Rev. MacDonald Sembereka), Vice-President Joyce Banda, among others- and promised to deal with them.
Mutharika even threatened that, should these folks organise one more demonstration, "we will meet in the streets".
He added that "I will deal with you", and proceeded to say how peaceful Malawi was, and just how he was not ready to let this peace disappear in the flames of anarchy.
Many people and organisations have spoken out against these sentiments, and these include the Public Affairs Committee, United Democratic Front, and civil society organisation leaders.
But Zachimalawi is not surprised with Mutharika's behaviour; he has always been thus.
He has so many contradictory faces.
But, going back to Zachimalawi's Theme for July, we ask: When Shall All This Come to an End?
Friday, July 22, 2011
Poem: Tripple-Coloured Graveyard
By Richard Chirombo
Malawi is a colourful graveyard:
It was all red, black, and green at first;
Before the white dust blew from the East-
Beyond the blurred green leaves of Tea,
Resting below the swollen berries of macadamia forests,
Yonder the sweet, spotted bananas of Thekerani-
And stuck to the heart of the red, black, and green colours.
Now the white dust shines,
Blinding our tearful eyes,
With its insolvent rays.
Save for the remoteful baby-children cries
You will find no mosquitoes,
Beatles
Even flies.
The stars shine no more across the skies.
The lake no more dances against the dark skies
Because the waves now carry tears,
Harvests from the fishermen's cries.
Malawi is a graveyard now:
Below this grave yard 18 bodies rest;
Above this graveyard,
Eighteen ghosts wonder about,
Sometimes they fly in the wind-
Often, they go with the wind,
So powerless to wrestle the mighty Southerly winds.
Stripped of whatever red, green and black clothing they had
They wobble against the sun's rays,
And wither against faint stars' light,
Only to fall by the tails of the winds.
Unattended to.
Unobserved!
These forgotten citizens are the winds,
And the rays,
And our wishes.
The unfulfilled hopes,
Waiting in the wings.
Malawi is a colourful graveyard:
It was all red, black, and green at first;
Before the white dust blew from the East-
Beyond the blurred green leaves of Tea,
Resting below the swollen berries of macadamia forests,
Yonder the sweet, spotted bananas of Thekerani-
And stuck to the heart of the red, black, and green colours.
Now the white dust shines,
Blinding our tearful eyes,
With its insolvent rays.
Save for the remoteful baby-children cries
You will find no mosquitoes,
Beatles
Even flies.
The stars shine no more across the skies.
The lake no more dances against the dark skies
Because the waves now carry tears,
Harvests from the fishermen's cries.
Malawi is a graveyard now:
Below this grave yard 18 bodies rest;
Above this graveyard,
Eighteen ghosts wonder about,
Sometimes they fly in the wind-
Often, they go with the wind,
So powerless to wrestle the mighty Southerly winds.
Stripped of whatever red, green and black clothing they had
They wobble against the sun's rays,
And wither against faint stars' light,
Only to fall by the tails of the winds.
Unattended to.
Unobserved!
These forgotten citizens are the winds,
And the rays,
And our wishes.
The unfulfilled hopes,
Waiting in the wings.
MISA MALAWI STATEMENT ON MACRA BAN ON COVERAGE OF DEMONSTRATIONS
The Malawi Chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) has
leant with shock that the Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority
(MACRA) has issued a ban stopping all private radio stations from
broadcasting live the demonstrations taking place in the country.
We also express our dismay over the cavalier and brutal manner the police
has handled the demonstrations and journalists covering these
demonstrations.
Reports indicate that MACRA has written all private radio stations
stopping them from airing the proceedings of the demonstrations in the
interest of national security.
Above: Journalists Amos Gumulira and Isaac Kambwiri (facing camera) are Malawi's latest media victims. Their crime was to cover public demonstrations in Malawi's capital city, Lilongwe
We, however, believe that the ban on coverage of the demonstrations is
superfluous, unconstitutional and retrogressive as it takes away the right
of people to access information.
Sections 36 and 37 of the Republican Constitution are clear. Section 36
states:
‘The press shall have the right to report and publish freely, within
Malawi and abroad, and to be accorded the fullest possible facilities for
access to public information ‘and Section 37 says:
‘… every person shall have the right of access to all information held by
the state or any of its organs at any level of government in so far as
such information is required for the exercise of his rights.’
These two sections recognize the relevance of access to information for
people to make informed decisions. The ban on coverage of the
demonstrations clearly violates these provisions and is unwarranted and
imperious.
We, therefore, call upon MACRA to advise broadcasters to exercise
professionalism and sensitivity in broadcasting the demonstrations as
provided under the Communications Act, and not issue a ban.
We also call upon the Communications Regulatory body to respect the
public’s right to know and the media’s duty to provide the public with
relevant, accurate and important information to make informed decisions by
immediately lifting the ban.
In the same vein, we would like to appeal to Malawi Police Service to
respect journalists in their line of duty. Journalists have a key
responsibility to objectively report on proceedings of the demonstrations
without fear or intimidation from any quarter.
We have gathered that the police have brutally beaten one Journalist,
Rebecca Chimjeka of Joy Radio, who had to receive treatment at the
hospital.
Apart from Chimjeka, several other journalists were among the people who
were detained and whipped by Police in Lilongwe. Among the journalists is
Nation Publications Limited News Analyst Kondwani Munthali. The other
journalists are Leonard Sharra and Jacob Nankhonya of Blantyre Newspapers
Limited; and Yvonne Sundu, Isaac Kambwiri and Nathan Majawa.
MISA Malawi condemns this action and appeals to the police to protect both
civilians and journalists who are exercising their constitutional right to
express themselves through peaceful demonstrations.
Journalists are citizens with full rights and they are free to cover the
demonstrations as well as participate as the media is also aggrieved with
the amendment of Section 46 of the Penal Code and the enactment of the
infamous Injunctions Act.
We extend our support to journalists and fellow Malawians that have been
victimized by the authorities, and further appeal to them to exercise
caution and responsibility during these difficult times.
We would like to assure the media fraternity that NAMISA is taking up the
issues with authorities at MACRA and the Malawi Police Service as we
cannot condone what has happened today.
Signed
ANTHONY KASUNDA
MISA MALAWI ACTING CHAIRPERSON
leant with shock that the Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority
(MACRA) has issued a ban stopping all private radio stations from
broadcasting live the demonstrations taking place in the country.
We also express our dismay over the cavalier and brutal manner the police
has handled the demonstrations and journalists covering these
demonstrations.
Reports indicate that MACRA has written all private radio stations
stopping them from airing the proceedings of the demonstrations in the
interest of national security.
Above: Journalists Amos Gumulira and Isaac Kambwiri (facing camera) are Malawi's latest media victims. Their crime was to cover public demonstrations in Malawi's capital city, Lilongwe
We, however, believe that the ban on coverage of the demonstrations is
superfluous, unconstitutional and retrogressive as it takes away the right
of people to access information.
Sections 36 and 37 of the Republican Constitution are clear. Section 36
states:
‘The press shall have the right to report and publish freely, within
Malawi and abroad, and to be accorded the fullest possible facilities for
access to public information ‘and Section 37 says:
‘… every person shall have the right of access to all information held by
the state or any of its organs at any level of government in so far as
such information is required for the exercise of his rights.’
These two sections recognize the relevance of access to information for
people to make informed decisions. The ban on coverage of the
demonstrations clearly violates these provisions and is unwarranted and
imperious.
We, therefore, call upon MACRA to advise broadcasters to exercise
professionalism and sensitivity in broadcasting the demonstrations as
provided under the Communications Act, and not issue a ban.
We also call upon the Communications Regulatory body to respect the
public’s right to know and the media’s duty to provide the public with
relevant, accurate and important information to make informed decisions by
immediately lifting the ban.
In the same vein, we would like to appeal to Malawi Police Service to
respect journalists in their line of duty. Journalists have a key
responsibility to objectively report on proceedings of the demonstrations
without fear or intimidation from any quarter.
We have gathered that the police have brutally beaten one Journalist,
Rebecca Chimjeka of Joy Radio, who had to receive treatment at the
hospital.
Apart from Chimjeka, several other journalists were among the people who
were detained and whipped by Police in Lilongwe. Among the journalists is
Nation Publications Limited News Analyst Kondwani Munthali. The other
journalists are Leonard Sharra and Jacob Nankhonya of Blantyre Newspapers
Limited; and Yvonne Sundu, Isaac Kambwiri and Nathan Majawa.
MISA Malawi condemns this action and appeals to the police to protect both
civilians and journalists who are exercising their constitutional right to
express themselves through peaceful demonstrations.
Journalists are citizens with full rights and they are free to cover the
demonstrations as well as participate as the media is also aggrieved with
the amendment of Section 46 of the Penal Code and the enactment of the
infamous Injunctions Act.
We extend our support to journalists and fellow Malawians that have been
victimized by the authorities, and further appeal to them to exercise
caution and responsibility during these difficult times.
We would like to assure the media fraternity that NAMISA is taking up the
issues with authorities at MACRA and the Malawi Police Service as we
cannot condone what has happened today.
Signed
ANTHONY KASUNDA
MISA MALAWI ACTING CHAIRPERSON
Post-July20 Malawi in Pictures
Zachimalawi weeps for Malawi.The two individuals with visible blood are Malawian journalists. They are Amos Gumulira and Isaac Kambwiri. They committed a 'sin' by doing their job. And, so, the Police saw no other option but 'make' them pay with their own blood. Isaac Kambwiri and Amos Gumulira did not organise the protests: they were there, at the scene of the events, merely to relay the message 'home'. This home, this invisible home, represents Malawians. Like all world citizens, Malawians deserve to know.
What has gone wrong with our nation? For our leaders to stop listening? Add this to Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority's directive that all private radio stations stop airing events live, and the temporary closure by Police agents of private radio stations, and we have a problem in our hands. This problem has a name, it is called impunity.
For a while on Thursday, Capital 102.5 FM, MIJ 90.3 FM, among other radio stations went off air- interrupted by the big hand of government agents.
Malawi is in a loud crisis!
It all brings us back to Zachimalawi's theme this month of July: When Shall All This Come to an End?
Statement by the High Representative, Catherine Ashton, On Violent Disruption of Protests and Destruction of Property in Malawi
EUROPEAN UNION
Brussels, 22 July 2011
Catherine Ashton, the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the Commission, issued the following statement today:
“I strongly condemn the use of force and live ammunition by Malawian authorities on 20 and 21 July and to prevent their own citizens from exercising their constitutional right to demonstratepeacefully, as well as the ban imposed on media reporting of the confrontations. Denying the rightof people to protest peacefully is unacceptable, and I am disturbed by reports of unwarranted violence targeted at certain individuals on July 20 because of their political or social affiliations. Iam further disturbed by the announcement from the Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority(MACRA) banning all private radio stations from broadcasting the demonstrations. At the same time I am also critical of and condemn the violence and looting perpetrated by a limitednumber of individuals during the protests. The Malawian people are guaranteed the right to peaceful association and freedom of expression in their constitution. The attempts by state security to prohibit its citizens from marching in thecapital city and other locations, and the regulator’s ban on independent media coverage underminedemocracy and the rule of law that Malawians cherish and are fighting to protect and strengthen. I call on the people and the Government of Malawi to remain committed to the principles ofdemocracy and to express and resolve disagreements through peaceful means. I note that in hisaddress to the nation on 21 July the President, while criticising the violence has recognised theneed for dialogue with all stakeholders I strongly encourage this dialogue to start as soon aspossible.”____________________
Brussels, 22 July 2011
Catherine Ashton, the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the Commission, issued the following statement today:
“I strongly condemn the use of force and live ammunition by Malawian authorities on 20 and 21 July and to prevent their own citizens from exercising their constitutional right to demonstratepeacefully, as well as the ban imposed on media reporting of the confrontations. Denying the rightof people to protest peacefully is unacceptable, and I am disturbed by reports of unwarranted violence targeted at certain individuals on July 20 because of their political or social affiliations. Iam further disturbed by the announcement from the Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority(MACRA) banning all private radio stations from broadcasting the demonstrations. At the same time I am also critical of and condemn the violence and looting perpetrated by a limitednumber of individuals during the protests. The Malawian people are guaranteed the right to peaceful association and freedom of expression in their constitution. The attempts by state security to prohibit its citizens from marching in thecapital city and other locations, and the regulator’s ban on independent media coverage underminedemocracy and the rule of law that Malawians cherish and are fighting to protect and strengthen. I call on the people and the Government of Malawi to remain committed to the principles ofdemocracy and to express and resolve disagreements through peaceful means. I note that in hisaddress to the nation on 21 July the President, while criticising the violence has recognised theneed for dialogue with all stakeholders I strongly encourage this dialogue to start as soon aspossible.”____________________
The Quest for Real Freedom: Counting the Dead in Malawi
Malawi is busy counting the dead.
After two days of protests against government impunity, sanity has returned to Malawi’s cities of Lilongwe, Mzuzu, Zomba and Blantyre.
Most of the people who took part in the protests have gone back home, too; save for at least 18 people confirmed dead, and the 100 who are admitted in Malawi’s hospitals.
Many people sustained injuries, and, according to Ministry of Health spokesperson Henry Chimbali, of the 180 who reported to public hospitals with various degrees of injuries, 80 returned home after receiving treatment.
The dead sustained head injuries and fractures, Chimbali said.
But all this damage to life, and property, could not have happened had government listened to the voice of reason, and allowed the peaceful demonstrations to go unhindered, says Human Rights Consultative Committee chairperson, Undule Mwakasungula- one of the organizers of the demonstrations.
All was set for the demonstrations by Tuesday evening, and this was affirmed by a Police Statement paving room for the demonstrations. The Police only urged for peaceful demonstrations.
However, just an hour before Mid-night, a government agent obtained an injunction that stopped the peaceful demonstrations but allowed President Bingu wa Mutharika’s Public Lecture to go unabated.
This, Mwakasungula said, made it too late for organizers to communicate with marchers in time. He blamed it on government.
Government had tried hard to stop the demonstrations by, among other things, mounting a media propaganda that targeted chiefs to speak against the demonstrations.
State-run Malawi Broadcasting Corporation also announced repeatedly in its news bulletins that, contrary to public views, the demos were planned to advocate for gay rights.
Some people believed this, though many still turned up for the demonstrations.
Government spokesperson, Information and Civic Education Minister Symon Vuwa-Kaunda, had ganged up with Mutharika’s spokesperson Hetherwick Ntaba a day before the demos, and warned that all costs for damaged property would be forwarded to Leader of the Opposition in Parliament John Zenus Ungapake Tembo.
Tembo’s sin had been to express his intentions to be part of the demonstrations.
However, as lawyers battled to vacate the injunction refraining demonstrators from going on with the protests, Tembo was at his home in Nyambadwe Residential Area, Blantyre.
Tembo said: “I am waiting for the injunction to be vacated. But I think you have also heard Vuwa-Kaunda saying I will be responsible for any damage. What wrong have I committed?”
But other opposition leaders turned up for the demonstrations. These included Former Vice-President Cassim Chilumpha, People’s Progressive Movement president Mark Katsonga Phiri, United Democratic Front factional president George Nga Ntafu, and presidential aspirant Atupele Muluzi, People’s Transformation Party president Kamuzu Chibambo, among others.
Musicians also turned up, including the ‘Linda’ star Marco Sadiki.
Human rights activist, and Human Rights Consultative Committee Board Member Kenwilliams Mhango, Malawi Human Rights Watch’s Billy Banda, Rafiq Hajat of the Institute for Policy Interaction, Unandi Banda, Malawi Law Society President John Gift Mwakhwawa, and influential lawyer Ralph Kasambara were all there at Victoria Old Town Hall in Blantyre as lawyers and judges tussled in Malawi’s capital Lilongwe to have the injunction vacated.
In Lilongwe, Police officers started it all by beating civil society leaders and journalists, forcing people onto the streets.
These people went on rampage, literary, and broke into shops. They set tyres ablaze on the roads, they smashed cars.
In Blantyre, things got loose only when the injunction got vacated and people started marching peacefully. The Police, for no apparent reason, started firing tear gas, and things went asunder.
Others said Police officers received such orders because the protesters took the road that also houses the ruling Democratic Progressive Party’s Southern Region headquarters.
But these fears were not entirely unfounded. Some protesters were heard whispering that they go and set the DPP office ablaze.
Among other places, protesters broke into a Bata Shoe Company shop in Blantyre, and stole assorted items.
The police were, however, alert and managed to arrest two people found with shoes on the spot.
In Blantyre’s most populous township of Ndirande, things went asunder as people started stoning the People’s Trading Centre shop there, and set grass-thatched business stalls ablaze.
But the Police were quick in their response, and no damage was inflicted on the PTC building.
However, at least two people died in Ndirande, and these are the people this Blogger saw with his two eyes.
But that is Ndirande for you, people always go on rampage at dusk fall, and Nyambadwe Police officers know this pretty well, and are always at hand to quell the situation.
President Bingu wa Mutharika took his time roughly after 1 O’clock to address Malawians.
He regretted the mayhem, but blamed it on the opposition despite the protests being organized by civil society leaders.
In the end, he appealed for dialogue and said he was ready to meet civil society leaders and opposition party Czars.
But Mwakasungula was dismissive of the President, saying such meetings brings no fruitful results.
“We have met the President before; but, all the time, nothing fruitful comes out of such meetings. Dialogue is a song to him (President Bingu wa Mutharika),” said Mwakasungula.
Government played dirty tricks before, during and after the demonstrations. It all started with sentiments from officials like Ntaba and Vuwa-Kaunda, propaganda by MBC Radios and Television, pronouncements by buy-out traditional leaders, and the late-night injunction.
Government agents also interrupted internet services with the technical assistance of Mainland China officials. Two Chinese ICT experts jetted into Malawi on Saturday last week, and left on Thursday.
This made it difficult to access such websites as Nyasatimes using computers. Some Blogs were also inaccessible.
What’s more? It was even difficult to upload stories on some sites, thanks to government’s subversion.
What has come out clearly is the fact that President Bingu wa Mutharika did not know Malawians well.
Malawians can die, so long as their voice is heard.
They did the same when freedoms never existed in 1992 and 1993.
At the height of former President Ngwazi Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda, people defied the odds, and even their chances of life, and marched in the country’s biggest protests ever.
They succeeded. And the one party regime is a song now, history.
The freedoms that came in 1994, which freedoms are being infringed upon by President Bingu wa Mutharika’s regime, did not come on a silver platter.
People paid with the cost of their own blood.
And souls.
On Wednesday, through to Thursday this week, some 18 people have also paid for whatever freedom may come with their own blood: blood shed in day light.
Blood shed for Dear Malawi.
All in the hope that one day, light will shine again.
This light will shine and its rays reflect against the great red Katondo soils.
This light, one day, will shine on people lips, too.
This light.
Paid for by glittering blood.
After two days of protests against government impunity, sanity has returned to Malawi’s cities of Lilongwe, Mzuzu, Zomba and Blantyre.
Most of the people who took part in the protests have gone back home, too; save for at least 18 people confirmed dead, and the 100 who are admitted in Malawi’s hospitals.
Many people sustained injuries, and, according to Ministry of Health spokesperson Henry Chimbali, of the 180 who reported to public hospitals with various degrees of injuries, 80 returned home after receiving treatment.
The dead sustained head injuries and fractures, Chimbali said.
But all this damage to life, and property, could not have happened had government listened to the voice of reason, and allowed the peaceful demonstrations to go unhindered, says Human Rights Consultative Committee chairperson, Undule Mwakasungula- one of the organizers of the demonstrations.
All was set for the demonstrations by Tuesday evening, and this was affirmed by a Police Statement paving room for the demonstrations. The Police only urged for peaceful demonstrations.
However, just an hour before Mid-night, a government agent obtained an injunction that stopped the peaceful demonstrations but allowed President Bingu wa Mutharika’s Public Lecture to go unabated.
This, Mwakasungula said, made it too late for organizers to communicate with marchers in time. He blamed it on government.
Government had tried hard to stop the demonstrations by, among other things, mounting a media propaganda that targeted chiefs to speak against the demonstrations.
State-run Malawi Broadcasting Corporation also announced repeatedly in its news bulletins that, contrary to public views, the demos were planned to advocate for gay rights.
Some people believed this, though many still turned up for the demonstrations.
Government spokesperson, Information and Civic Education Minister Symon Vuwa-Kaunda, had ganged up with Mutharika’s spokesperson Hetherwick Ntaba a day before the demos, and warned that all costs for damaged property would be forwarded to Leader of the Opposition in Parliament John Zenus Ungapake Tembo.
Tembo’s sin had been to express his intentions to be part of the demonstrations.
However, as lawyers battled to vacate the injunction refraining demonstrators from going on with the protests, Tembo was at his home in Nyambadwe Residential Area, Blantyre.
Tembo said: “I am waiting for the injunction to be vacated. But I think you have also heard Vuwa-Kaunda saying I will be responsible for any damage. What wrong have I committed?”
But other opposition leaders turned up for the demonstrations. These included Former Vice-President Cassim Chilumpha, People’s Progressive Movement president Mark Katsonga Phiri, United Democratic Front factional president George Nga Ntafu, and presidential aspirant Atupele Muluzi, People’s Transformation Party president Kamuzu Chibambo, among others.
Musicians also turned up, including the ‘Linda’ star Marco Sadiki.
Human rights activist, and Human Rights Consultative Committee Board Member Kenwilliams Mhango, Malawi Human Rights Watch’s Billy Banda, Rafiq Hajat of the Institute for Policy Interaction, Unandi Banda, Malawi Law Society President John Gift Mwakhwawa, and influential lawyer Ralph Kasambara were all there at Victoria Old Town Hall in Blantyre as lawyers and judges tussled in Malawi’s capital Lilongwe to have the injunction vacated.
In Lilongwe, Police officers started it all by beating civil society leaders and journalists, forcing people onto the streets.
These people went on rampage, literary, and broke into shops. They set tyres ablaze on the roads, they smashed cars.
In Blantyre, things got loose only when the injunction got vacated and people started marching peacefully. The Police, for no apparent reason, started firing tear gas, and things went asunder.
Others said Police officers received such orders because the protesters took the road that also houses the ruling Democratic Progressive Party’s Southern Region headquarters.
But these fears were not entirely unfounded. Some protesters were heard whispering that they go and set the DPP office ablaze.
Among other places, protesters broke into a Bata Shoe Company shop in Blantyre, and stole assorted items.
The police were, however, alert and managed to arrest two people found with shoes on the spot.
In Blantyre’s most populous township of Ndirande, things went asunder as people started stoning the People’s Trading Centre shop there, and set grass-thatched business stalls ablaze.
But the Police were quick in their response, and no damage was inflicted on the PTC building.
However, at least two people died in Ndirande, and these are the people this Blogger saw with his two eyes.
But that is Ndirande for you, people always go on rampage at dusk fall, and Nyambadwe Police officers know this pretty well, and are always at hand to quell the situation.
President Bingu wa Mutharika took his time roughly after 1 O’clock to address Malawians.
He regretted the mayhem, but blamed it on the opposition despite the protests being organized by civil society leaders.
In the end, he appealed for dialogue and said he was ready to meet civil society leaders and opposition party Czars.
But Mwakasungula was dismissive of the President, saying such meetings brings no fruitful results.
“We have met the President before; but, all the time, nothing fruitful comes out of such meetings. Dialogue is a song to him (President Bingu wa Mutharika),” said Mwakasungula.
Government played dirty tricks before, during and after the demonstrations. It all started with sentiments from officials like Ntaba and Vuwa-Kaunda, propaganda by MBC Radios and Television, pronouncements by buy-out traditional leaders, and the late-night injunction.
Government agents also interrupted internet services with the technical assistance of Mainland China officials. Two Chinese ICT experts jetted into Malawi on Saturday last week, and left on Thursday.
This made it difficult to access such websites as Nyasatimes using computers. Some Blogs were also inaccessible.
What’s more? It was even difficult to upload stories on some sites, thanks to government’s subversion.
What has come out clearly is the fact that President Bingu wa Mutharika did not know Malawians well.
Malawians can die, so long as their voice is heard.
They did the same when freedoms never existed in 1992 and 1993.
At the height of former President Ngwazi Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda, people defied the odds, and even their chances of life, and marched in the country’s biggest protests ever.
They succeeded. And the one party regime is a song now, history.
The freedoms that came in 1994, which freedoms are being infringed upon by President Bingu wa Mutharika’s regime, did not come on a silver platter.
People paid with the cost of their own blood.
And souls.
On Wednesday, through to Thursday this week, some 18 people have also paid for whatever freedom may come with their own blood: blood shed in day light.
Blood shed for Dear Malawi.
All in the hope that one day, light will shine again.
This light will shine and its rays reflect against the great red Katondo soils.
This light, one day, will shine on people lips, too.
This light.
Paid for by glittering blood.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)