About the Malawi Investment and Trade Centre

The Investment and Export Promotion Act of 2012 established the Malawi Investment and Trade Centre (MITC) as a one-stop services centre for business start-ups following the merger of Malawi Export Promotion Council -MEPC and Malawi Investment Promotion Agency- MIPA.


MITC is now fully operational and is the focal point of investment and export promotion / facilitation. The Centre is mandated within the Investment and Export Promotion Act of 2012 to do the following:

• Offer a one-stop service to ensure that relevant permits are obtained expeditiously (processing period of 21 days)

• Conduct investment and export promotion in priority sectors including agriculture, agro-processing, fisheries, forestry,
manufacturing, mining and tourism


MITC seeks to promote Malawi as an attractive investment destination and a source of exports into regional and international markets.


MITC Mission


To attract sustainable private domestic and foreign investments to transform Malawi into
a broad-based export-led economy through aggressive trade and investment promotion activities


MITC Vision

To be a leading world class investment and trade promotion centre that brands Malawi
as an ideal business destination to do business


MITC Functions


As a one stop service centre MIT conducts the following functions:

• Investment Promotion
• Package Malawi as an attractive investment destination and present opportunities to potential investors
• Attract investors into prioritised sectors that are crucial to the country’s growth and development
• Receive and follow-up on investor leads and enquiries
 Investment Services (Facilitation & Aftercare)
• Be the point of contact for investment start-up and link investors to necessary information
• Issue investment certificates and facilitate end-to-end investment process,
• Proactively work with investors to mitigate post-investment challenges and monitor compliance
• Advise GoM on investor-friendly policies
• Track and target existing investors for reinvestment opportunities
 Trade Promotion Services
• Identify export markets for existing and current export products
• Consolidate and expand market share for Malawi’s current products in present export markets
• Build capacity of exporters in export marketing


For more information about investment and trade opportunities visit our offices in City Centre Lilongwe. We are located along Convention Drive in Aquarius House first floor. In Blantyre we are in Fourth Floor, Unit House opposite Chayamba Building. Alternatively you can call on these numbers (265) 1 770 800/ 01 771 315/ 01 771 707 or fax 01 771781 or email, ckumbemba@mitc.mw, jnthakomwa@mitc.mw, mbiwi@mitc.mw or visit our website www.mitc.mw

MISA-Malawi appeals to the Muslim community in Mangochi to return confiscated MBC TV camera

…Condemns Attack on Journalist

Statement for Immediate Release: Thursday, 29 August 2013


The Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA-Malawi) would like to appeal to the Muslim elders in Mangochi to return the Television Camera confiscated from Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) Television crew on Sunday, August 25, 2013.


In the same vein, MISA Malawi would like to condemn in the strongest manner the conduct of Minister of Economic Planning and Development Honorable Ralph Jooma for assaulting Zodiak Broadcasting Station (ZBS) journalist, Raphael Mlozoa, who had filed a report of the Mangochi incident. The minister accused Mlozoa of publishing false news. ZBS editor, Pilirani Phiri, confirmed the assault on Mlozoa and said the journalist suffered soft tissue injury and was treated at Mangochi District Hospital.



Some members of the Muslim community in Mangochi reportedly confiscated a television camera belonging to the State-run national broadcaster in the aftermath of what appears to be a misunderstanding between the religious actors and television crew. The Muslim community accused the television crew of taking footage of the Mosque and prayers without seeking necessary permission from the religious leaders.



Our investigation indicate that MBC crew were working on a documentary on family planning with support from Health Population Project (HPP) and assigned producer Linda Gombera, editor Tsoka Gausi and cameraman Hamilton Mwachande to work on the program. The three members reportedly sought permission from the Traditional Authority (T/A) in the area who also happens to be a sheikh at the Mangochi main Mosque but was not present during the shooting as he had reportedly gone for other errands in Namwera.



MISA Malawi acknowledges that a Mosque is a sacred place and appropriate direction and guidance ought to have been obtained before shooting the video and we respects the decision of the Muslim elders to protect the sanctity of the Mangochi main Mosque.
MISA Malawi, however, believes that the media has a right to report and gather information freely without fear or intimidation and that confiscating the camera and threatening the lives of the journalists in question was rather unwarranted. We therefore appeal to the men of God to reconsider their stand and return the camera to MBC.



Malawi has relevant and responsible organizations such as the police to enforce laws and ensure the protection of every citizen and taking the law into one’s own hands is an offence.


It is on this basis that we find the conduct of the Minister of Economic Planning and Development unfortunate and retrogressive.
MISA understands that Mlozoa’s assault followed a report he filed, which said that minister Jooma had himself been assaulted by members of the Muslim community at Mangochi’s main Mosque. Refuting the story that he had been assaulted, minister Jooma unleashed his bodyguards on Mlozoa, who insists that his story is factually correct.



We condemn the conduct of honorable Jooma’s bodyguards for assaulting Mlozoa for merely doing his job and call upon those in authority to lead by example and be the custodians of the law.


Lastly, we would like to appeal to Malawians to respect the journalists’ right to information and the public’s right to know. Fear and intimidation should have no place in a democratic Malawi.
MISA-Malawi would also like to implore journalists to be more responsible and very professional in order to protect our noble profession.

Anthony Kasunda
MISA Malawi Chairperson

CLOSING SPEECH BY HER EXCELLENCY DR. JOYCE BANDA PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI ON THE OCCASION OF THE OFFICIAL CLOSING OF THE 33RD ORDINARY SUMMIT OF THE SADC HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT

REPUBLIC OF MALAWI



CLOSING SPEECH BY HER EXCELLENCY DR. JOYCE BANDA

PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI



ON THE OCCASION OF THE OFFICIAL CLOSING OF THE 33RD ORDINARY SUMMIT OF

THE SADC HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT



LILONGWE, MALAWI



SUNDAY, 18th AUGUST, 2013






Your Excellency, Armando Emilio Guebuza, Outgoing Chairperson of SADC, and President of the Republic of Mozambique;



Your Excellency, Jakaya Kikwete, Outgoing Chairperson of the Organ on Politics, Defense and Security Cooperation, and President of the United Republic of Tanzania;
Your Excellencies Heads of State and Government;
Your Excellencies, First Spouses;
Your Excellency, Mrs Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Chairperson of the African Union Commission;
Your Excellencies, High Commissioners and Ambassadors accredited to Malawi;
Your Excellency, Dr Tomaz Augusto Salomão, Outgoing SADC Executive Secretary;
Chairperson of the SADC Council of Ministers;
Honourable Ministers;
Distinguished Delegates, Invited Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen.




We have now come to the closing of the 33rd Ordinary Summit of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) after two days of intense and fruitful discussions here in Lilongwe.





On behalf of the Government of the Republic of Malawi, and indeed, on my own behalf, I would like to express my profound gratitude to Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government and heads of Delegation, and to all delegates for the dedication and commitment demonstrated at this important Summit meeting.




I wish to congratulate and welcome the incoming Deputy Chairperson of SADC His Excellency Robert Gabriel Mugabe, President of the Republic of Zimbabwe and the incoming Deputy Chairperson of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defense and Security Cooperation, His Excellency Right Honourable Thomas Thabane Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Lesotho. I look forward to working closely with you both in the coming year.




Allow me to extend my sincere tribute to Your Excellency Dr. Tomaz Augusto Salomao, the Outgoing Executive Secretary of SADC and your Staff for the unwavering support you have provided during your tenure of office. You have provided the Summit and its preceding meetings with professional advice on various important issues.




During your tenure, we have witnessed a number of Protocols being implemented and others coming into force.


These include among others the SADC Protocols on:

Trade, Finance and Investment;
Tourism, Transport, Communication and Meteorology;
Trade in Services;
Culture, Information and Sport; and
Gender and Development



In the same vein, I would like to congratulate and welcome the incoming Executive Director of SADC, Dr. Stergomena Tax of the United Republic of Tanzania, who will take her oath of office shortly. I look forward to working with you.



I am confident that we will work together to further the ideals, policies and programmes of our great regional grouping.



This appointment demonstrates SADC’s continued commitment to realise gender equality, equity and women’s empowerment.



You and I have no choice but to succeed.



I, being the first female Chair, and you, being the first female Executive Director, shall be expected to demonstrate our total commitment and determination to continue with the work of our brothers and take SADC to the next level.





Failing to do so would be failing our brothers who have provided the space for us to participate in shaping our region’s destiny. More importantly we shall let down fellow women who are counting on our success, as well as the girls of our region who look upon us as their role models.



Your Excellencies, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen



Turning to the main outcomes of this Summit, I am pleased to note that we generally have peace and stability in the Region, despite a few pockets of political insecurity.

The Summit has noted the progress made in Zimbabwe under the Global Political Agreement signed in September 2008; and commended the successful Referendum for the new Constitution in March 2013, as well as the peaceful conduct of the harmonized elections of 31st July, 2013.



On behalf of SADC, I wish to commend all parties in Zimbabwe for their commitment in implementing the Global Political Agreement. I wish to urge all stakeholders in Zimbabwe to continue to work together to move the country forward. SADC calls upon the international community to review their position on sanctions following the progress being made in Zimbabwe.



Furthermore, I wish to commend His Excellency Jacob Zuma, President of the Republic of South Africa and the South African Government for their leadership in guiding the implementation of the Global Political Agreement on Zimbabwe.



Yesterday, we discussed our concerns about the political situation in Madagascar. Your Excellencies, I am pleased to state that, today, nine candidates have withdrawn from the race. One has withdrawn voluntarily and the other eight have withdrawn due to a ruling by the Electoral Court. This is good news for the SADC region.

It also vindicates that the long and painful efforts of SADC, through its Mediator, former President Joaquim Chisano of Mozambique, are paying dividends.



We remain concerned about the deteriorating security and humanitarian situation in the Eastern Part of the Democratic Republic of Congo. We reiterate our call for engagement among all political stakeholders, in order to find a lasting solution for peace, security and stability in the region. We also appeal to all stakeholders to consider engaging all the negative forces so that a lasting solution in the Great Lakes Region is found.



On the economic front, the Summit noted food security and nutrition as the major economic challenge facing our region. In support of this, the Summit unanimously supported the proposed theme for my Chairmanship: Agricultural Development and Agro-Industries: Key to Economic Growth and Poverty Eradication.



We agreed that with respect to the specific issues of food security and nutrition, two ministerial committees should meet as soon as possible. The first committee will be tasked with identifying concrete strategies that can address both the short and long term challenges in achieving food security for our nations.


The second committee will discuss and design strategies to upscale interventions on nutrition.



My Government will engage aggressively on the theme after the Summit, through consultations with the Council of Ministers and the Secretariat. We will work on designing a programme that responds to the specific needs of all our Member States.



Furthermore, I want to make sure that value addition and regional value chains are embedded in the SADC agenda to facilitate agro-processing.



The policies on agriculture, infrastructure and industrial development must not work in isolation but should be coordinated and complement each other. We sincerely hope that economic policy coordination in the SADC system will be harnessed in order not only to accelerate growth but also to reduce poverty, widen economic opportunities and enhance human development.



Your Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen



I am glad that this morning during the Aids Watch Africa Breakfast meeting we had a chance to discuss the need to accelerate efforts towards the prevention and treatment of HIV/AIDS, TB and malaria within the SADC region. We noted the need to look for innovative solutions for local resource mobilization, to learn more from each other within the region, and to find ways to promote domestic drug manufacturing. The Summit also noted the stubborn link between nutrition and HIV/AIDS.




Your Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen



The Mid-Term Review of the Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan for the period of 2005-2020 is central to the realisation of the objectives and goals of the SADC Treaty.


My Government commits itself to fully participate in the development of the revised Plan.



I would also like to underscore the importance of finalising the establishment of the SADC Regional Development Fund at the earliest possible time, noting that adequate financial resources are essential to realize our objectives.




Your Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen>



In a special way, I want to give thanks to the outgoing Chairperson of SADC, His Excellency Armando Guebuza, particularly for his proactive and collaborative leadership that has strengthened the ties between our nations.

I hope that we can continue to build these links, and that our people can also benefit from increased collaboration across borders. Experience has shown that often the relationship between leaders has a bearing on how the peoples of those countries will live together, trade together, and maximize other opportunities.



In conclusion, let me once again, state that my Government is greatly honoured to assume the SADC Chairmanship. Our primary goal will be to advance the region’s socio-economic and political interests for the wellbeing of our people. I truly believe we owe it to them.



I have been assured of support from all of you. In that regard, I am encouraged to continue the push for a better life for all of the people of our region.



With these remarks, I would like to declare that the 33rd Ordinary Summit of SADC Heads of State and Government is formally closed.



I wish Your Excellencies and all the distinguished delegates a safe trip back home.



Thank you for your kind attention

World Humanitarian Day

Media Advisory - World Humanitarian Day
19th August, 2013



On 19th August, 2003, the then Special Representative of the Secretary-General to Iraq, Sérgio Vieira de Mello and 21 of his colleagues were killed in the bombing of the UN Headquarters in Baghdad.


Originally started in 2009, in remembrance of the 22 UN staff killed on that day, World Humanitarian Day is a day to remember aid workers who have lost their lives in the line of duty. It is also a day to recognise and celebrate the work of humanitarian personnel around the world who have made the ultimate sacrifices in relieving the suffering of victims of humanitarian crises.


This year, Malawi joins the rest of the international humanitarian community in commemorating World Humanitarian Day.


Malawi has had incidences affecting hundreds of thousands of individuals in different parts of the country, be it floods, earthquakes or food insecurity. During the 2012/2013 season, an estimated 1.6 million people were food insecure during the last quarter. This number rose close to 2 million people in 16 districts during the first quarter of 2013. From November 2012 to March 2013, more than 33,000 households were affected by floods and stormy winds in 22 districts. 27 people died in Dedza, Chikhwawa, Phalombe, Mangochi, Zomba, Salima and Karonga as a direct or indirect result of the disasters, most of whom drowned due to flooding of rivers.


The 2013/2014 season has also been marred with food insecurity and the June 2013 Malawi Vulnerability Assessment Committee report estimates that 1.4 million people in 21 districts will require humanitarian assistance. This could be either through direct food transfers, cash transfers or both. There are also a considerable number of people fleeing from fighting and conflicts in their home land.


The Government, International NGOs, Local NGOs, the Red Cross and Crescent Society, and the United Nations Agencies have worked tirelessly to ensure that populations affected by disasters receive humanitarian assistance. However, it is not possible to respond year in and year out without finding and implementing long term solutions. There is a need for collaborative efforts to implement long term development programmes and interventions while responding to disasters in a timely and professional way.


This year marks 5 years since the World Humanitarian Day was established. And this year’s campaign not only seeks to celebrate the contributions that humanitarian workers make to humanitarian work but also encourages the private sector to continue providing more support towards humanitarian interventions. Through sponsor a word initiative, the private sector is being asked to pick a word that they best feel completes the phrase “The World Needs More …………………………….”


People can also participate by being part of the promotional messaging designed for the World Humanitarian Day by choosing a word that best completes the above phrase. Everyone is therefore being challenged to play a part by making use of social media sites such as Facebook and Twitter to promote the campaign and hence inspire others to get involved.

Acceptance Statement By Her Excellency Dr. Joyce Banda, President of The Republic of Malawi, On The Occasion of The Official Opening of The Thirty-Third Ordinary Summit of The SADC Heads of State and Government in Lilongwe, Malawi

ACCEPTANCE STATEMENT BY





HER EXCELLENCY DR. JOYCE BANDA

PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI









ON THE OCCASION OF THE OFFICIAL OPENING OF THE THIRTY THIRD ORDINARY SUMMIT OF THE SADC HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT





LILONGWE, MALAWI







SATURDAY, 17th AUGUST, 2013













Your Excellency, Armando Emilio Guebuza, Chairperson of SADC, and President of the Republic of Mozambique;
Your Excellency, Jakaya Kikwete, Chairperson of the Organ on Politics, Defense and Security Cooperation, and President of the United Republic of Tanzania;
Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government;
Your Excellencies, First Spouses;
Your Excellency, Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Chairperson of the African Union Commission;
Your Honour Henry Chimunthu Banda, MP, Speaker of the National Assembly;
Your Honour Anastasia Msosa SC, Chief Justice of the Republic of Malawi;
Your Excellencies, High Commissioners and Ambassadors accredited to Malawi;
Your Excellency, Dr Tomaz Augusto Salomão, SADC Executive Secretary;


Your Excellency, Dr Donald Kaberuka, President of the African Development Bank;
Your Excellency, Dr Carlos Lopes, Executive Secretary of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA);
Your Excellencies, Heads of Regional and International Organisations here present;
Your Excellencies, Secretary Generals of COMESA and East African Community;
Chairperson of the SADC Council of Ministers;
Honourable Ministers;
Officials from the SADC Member States;
Distinguished Delegates, Invited Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen.



I am humbled to stand here before you all and accept the leadership of our regional body, the Southern African Development Community (SADC). I want to thank my Dear Brother, His Excellency Armando Emilio Guebuza, President of the Republic of Mozambique and Outgoing Chairperson of SADC, for his wise leadership during his one year tenure of office. I wish to acknowledge in a special the support that I have received from President Guebuza which has prepared me for the role of Chairmanship that I have assumed.



Furthermore, I acknowledge the leadership provided by my Brother, His Excellency Jakaya Kikwete, President of the United Republic of Tanzania, and the Outgoing Chairperson of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation, in promoting the principles of democracy, rule of law, peace and security in the Region.



On behalf of the Government of the Republic of Malawi, and indeed, on my own behalf, I wish to thank Your Excellencies and your respective Governments for your commitment to championing the SADC integration agenda, and facilitating the implementation of its programmes and projects, through your able steering of Summit and Council Decisions.



Both President Guebuza and President Kikwete have been actively involved in peace seeking efforts in our region- this is what SADC is known for: a peace loving region.



I wish to take this opportunity to congratulate my Dear Brother, His Excellency Hifipunye Pohamba, President of the Republic of Namibia, and Incoming Chairperson of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation. I have every confidence that together we can drive the agenda for sustainable peace and security in our region.



Your Excellencies and Distinguished Delegates


Each year we gather to discuss what we might do together to address the problems that confront the peoples of our region.

The expectations of our people are high. As incoming Chair, I feel the weight of these expectations.







Your Excellencies and Distinguished Delegates


Millions of our young people in the region face a daily struggle to survive: they cannot find jobs. They cannot go to school. Even if they do, they are not able to secure employable skills.



Millions of our women and men struggle to survive in conditions of poverty, deprivation and underdevelopment. They are hungry for food, through no fault of their own. They die from preventable diseases, through no fault of their own. They die giving birth to another life, through no fault of their own. They are raped in their homes and communities. They suffer violence at home, at school, and in their communities, through no fault of their own. Many of them have lost their dignity, through no fault of their own.



These are the SADC citizens who pay taxes. These are SADC citizens who vote. These are our citizens and our neighbours. They work for us and we work for them. And yet, when they hear our voices and observe our actions, they see that in reality, sometimes we do not always work for them. Our actions suggest that the poor should care for the poor.



I strongly believe, as I am sure you do, that to achieve durable and long-lasting peace and stability in our countries and our region, we must start with the war against poverty. We must fight the war to end the contemporary, deliberate and savage violence of poverty and underdevelopment of our people, particularly those in our rural communities. To win this war, we must encourage political tolerance and the rule of law. We must promote inclusive politics. In this, we cannot afford to leave the youth behind. We cannot afford to leave women behind. We cannot afford to leave the poor to look after the poor.


As Chair of this great community, I hope to drive initiatives that bring SADC closer to the people for whom it works; a people centred SADC. In short – a SADC for the people and by the people.



Your Excellencies and Distinguished Delegates


We have a busy agenda for the next two days and, indeed, the year ahead.


Africa is a continent on the move. But the economic downturn of recent years has highlighted the vulnerability of our economies to external shocks. We need to intensify our efforts towards regional integration in every sense, reminding ourselves that as we strengthen the ties that bind us, we build our resilience against future shocks.



Despite the recent and on-going benefits of the commodities boom, agriculture remains the engine of our long-term, sustainable growth. I have therefore chosen as the theme for my term as Chair of SADC, to promote our regional integration agenda through a focus on “Agricultural Development and Agro-Industries: Key to Economic Growth and Poverty Reduction in SADC Region”.



I have chosen this theme for two reasons. Firstly, because it builds on and compliments the work of the outgoing Chair His Excellency President Armando Emilio Guebuza on development corridors as vehicles for SADC regional integration.



Secondly, for much of our region, agriculture is the largest employer, the largest component of Growth Domestic Product and the biggest generator of foreign exchange. Stimulating this sector, by encouraging diversification, commercialisation and value addition, will encourage broad based inclusive growth. It will transform the livelihoods of our people and provide the foundations for the future economic development of our region.



I believe that it is time for people in SADC region to manage agriculture as a business. Because our farmers must cope with adverse weather conditions, climate change, poor infrastructure and access to markets, we need to develop more innovative approaches to agriculture. We also need new partnerships from private sector to drive agriculture in this region.



We need to work harder to help our smallholder and commercial farmers build, grow and sustain their businesses, to feed ourselves and access new markets beyond our region.



In the case of our tobacco farmers, the global advocacy campaigns threaten their ability to earn a living. Tobacco is an important product to the economies of most of SADC member states. It is against this background that Malawi would like to voice its serious concerns over legislation that is being enacted globally for the removal of tobacco additives and flavourings. This has an adverse and dire impact on growing of burley tobacco in the region by both small-scale and large tobacco farmers.







Your Excellencies and Distinguished Delegates


As we concentrate our collective efforts around driving agricultural development, I hope also in my term as Chair to drive progress on issues that are essential for our development as a community.



We have all been disappointed by the unsatisfactory progress of trade negotiations with the European Union and the Doha Development Round. Though difficult, they remain important. Expanding market access opportunities in agriculture – and other sectors – remains essential.



Promoting intra-regional trade remains a fundamental objective of this regional body. While we have taken steps to open our markets for the movement of goods, I believe we need to strengthen our efforts on the free movement of people. We cannot meaningfully talk of regional integration if our people are not actually free to move within the region. In this regards, we may be encouraged by our brothers and sisters in West Africa, who have demonstrated that the free movement of people can deepen and broaden regional integration.



We also need to fast-track the implementation of the new SADC Industrialisation Policy Framework, the SADC Regional Infrastructure Development Master Plan and the SADC Trade Facilitation Instruments. These policies complement the on-going work of the SADC Protocols on Trade, Trade in Services and Finance and Investment. These processes will ultimately accelerate our regional integration agenda and our integration into the continental and global economies.



I also wish to accelerate progress on policies and processes that are essential to our functioning as a community and for planning our future. During the Summit we will receive a progress report on the Mid-Term Review of the Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan for 2003-2018. Going forward, I undertake to strengthen coordination between the Secretariat and Member States so that the Final Revised Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan reflects input from all relevant stakeholders.



I am particularly keen to ensure that SADC has a strong voice in the global debate on the post-2015 global development agenda. To do so, we as a community, need an honest and thorough assessment of our progress towards the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). As you are aware, a recent evaluation of our MDGs status revealed that a number of targets will be missed. It is imperative that we understand our successes and failures and redouble our efforts to meet these goals in the long term.



I have experienced that commitment pays. I say this having seen the progress that Malawi has made within a short time in fast tracking implementation of MGD 5 on maternal health. Just a few years ago, Malawi’s maternal mortality ratios were as high as 1,200 deaths per 100,000 live births. But with renewed effort we among other things strengthened our human capacity in the health sector, mobilised local leadership and developed partnership with private sector to equip resource poor health facilities. The redoubling of our efforts has paid effort, as at now our experts are indicating that maternal mortality ratios have dropped from the 1,200 deaths to 460 deaths per 100,000 live births.



Your Excellencies and Distinguished Delegates


I will fail in my job if I do not recognise some of the achievements and successes that our regional organisation has registered.



I am pleased to note that SADC has done well in promotion of women in leadership and decision making positions. Since the signing of the historic Gender and Development Declaration in Blantyre in 1997, and the adoption of the SADC Gender Protocol in 2008, the region has demonstrated its commitment to empowerment of women. We have ushered women into positions of power- among them Chairperson for the AU Commission Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, Executive Director for UN Women Mrs Phumzile Mlambo Nquka, The Chairperson of the Pan African Parliament Mrs Getrude Mongella, Vice President of Zimbabwe Joyce Mujuru, and I am also testimony of this achievement having become first female president of my country. We are proud of this achievement.



The SADC region can also boasts of creating a conducive environment to foreign direct investment. Trade liberalization, the strengthening of the rule of law, political stability, improvements in legal and other instruments as well as the telecommunications and transport infrastructures are some of positive developments in the region.



In addition, infrastructure and technology are moving fast connecting the countries in the region to each other and to the rest of the world at an unprecedented rate.





Your Excellencies and Distinguished delegates


In conclusion, let me reaffirm my Government’s commitment to the ideals, values and principles of SADC, that are aimed at achieving inclusive, equitable and sustainable economic growth, and political stability. Our ultimate objective is to eradicate poverty and uplift the living standards of the people of our region.



I strongly believe, that with your support, my Government will successfully advance the regional integration agenda during my Chairmanship. I want to assure Your Excellencies and delegates that my Government is committed to conducting the affairs of SADC during its Chairmanship in a democratic, transparent and accountable manner for the welfare of the people of our region.



In closing, I wish to ask of you – as my colleagues and brothers and sisters – that we work to ensure that the poor play a role, not merely as recipients of charity and goodwill, but as co-determinants of what happens in the common community in which we all live. As I have said nothing about the poor without them.



The essential question we have to answer at this Summit is whether we have the courage and the conscience to demonstrate our will to ensure that we will permit no situation that denies any member of our community their dignity?



I am sure that all of us have the same answer to that question: yes, we do! Yes, we can realise our dream. I foresee a region that is peaceful and stable; a region that is an economic powerhouse; a region that feeds itself and becomes a breadbasket of the Continent; a region that provides decent jobs and decent livelihoods to our people. I see a region whose people enjoy robust health and are highly educated in all relevant skills. From the Indian Ocean to the Pacific, I see a region that trades more with itself, adds value to its produce and invests more from within. I see a region that is more interconnected and integrated. I see a region where its people criss-cross its hills and valleys without artificial restrictions and barriers.


Once again I wish to welcome you to the Warm Heart of Africa.

I thank you for your kind attention

Long Live SADC

Natasha Tonthola Meets Zachimalawi!!!

Back home- Malawi's Big Brother The Chase Representative (Housemate) Natasha Tonthola, a.k.a. Mama Africa

Malawi Electoral Commission's Registration Centres During Phase One

NSANJE DISTRICT

1. Nsanje South constituency


a. Nyachilenda ward:

Ndamera (Nyachilenda) School
Makhokwe F.P. School
Thuka Court
Monyo D.P School
Marka F.P. School
Nyamalikombe School
Chitomeni Village
Nansongole School
Mankhokwe Health Centre


b. Matundu Ward:

Lulwe School for the Blind
Nkhande School
Njiza School
Lulwe LEA School
Chinzeti School
Mankhokwe Admarc
Nyambiro School
Chimombo (Matundu) School
Makoka School
Kanjeza Sch (Kamphata HC)


2. Nsanje South West constituency

a. Dinde Ward:

Nsanje F.P. School
Dinde School
Chikunkha/Mbango School
Ndione School
Chididi F.P. School+C5268
Nyamadzere F.P School
Mbang'ombe D.P. School
Kaluwa School
Nyanjiwa F.P.School
Kapalakonje School
Chekelere Ward:
Makoko (Phombwe) School
Bambala F.P. Sch
Mabungwa F.P. Sch
Galafa (Mbale) School
Khulubvi F.P.School
Mwanambweri F.P. School
Mchere F.P. School
Mpanje (Magoma) School
Thunye D.P. School


3. Nsanje Central Constituency

a. Chigumukire Ward:

Mpatsa F.P. School
Mkango (Phanga) School
Chigumukire F.P. School
Mguda F. P. School
Nyamijeti F.P. School
Nthondo (Chiwephe) School
Ndiola School
Mnthawila School
Mpatsa CDSS
Nyankhwali School

b. Misamvu ward:

Mlaka F.P. School
Chilumba F.P. Sch
Mpepe F.P. School
Chitsa (Nyamithuthu) School
Bwangu F.P. School
Kaloga F.P. School
Kawa (Chilikha) School
Leno (Nyamikolongo) School
Mgoza F.P. School
Nandilimbe (Nyanchili) School
Nkadabwako CDSS
Mwendonthengo


4. Nsanje Lalanje Constituency

a. Lalanje Ward:

Lalanje School
Bangula F.P. School
Magoti School
Dande School
Mpisamanja School
Nkhadzi School
Madziabango School
Nyamitalala School

b. Mlonda ward:

Phokera School
Kadamela (Mlonda) School
Kalupsya (Chilimba) School
Khope School
Bangula Admarc


Nsanje North Constituency

Kalulu Ward:

Fatima School
Kalulu F.P.School
Mchacha F.P School
Masenjere F.P. School
Muona /Thangadzi School
Ng'ombe F.P. School
Chinyanje D.P. School
Masombani School
Nantibule School
Fatima CDSS


b. Ruo ward:

Namiyala School
Namilembe School
Makhanga School
Phalamanga D.P. School
Malota (Mpembamoyo) School
Sankhulani F.P.School
Bwanzi School
Osiyana (Chikonje) School
Chikali F. P. School
Mbwazi Admarc


CHIKHWAWA DISTRICT

1. Chikhwawa South Constituency

a. Kawanda Ward:

Chindiole Primary School
Phanda Primary School
Ndalapa Primary School
Mtayamanja Primary School
Rabu Primary School
Mwananjovu Primary School
Konzere Primary School
Mambala Primary School
Thendo Primary School


b. Nyakamba Ward:

Dolo Primary School
Mbiya Primary School
Khokhwa Primary School
Thabwa Primary School
Finish Primary School
Mlambe Primary School
Utumbe Primary School
Mwanamakoko Primary School
Chimpambana Primary School
Nkhwangwa Primary School
Chapomoka Primary School
Gonda Ground
Masanduko Primary School
Chidyamanga Primary School
Khoko Primary School
Nyamizinga Primary School



Chikhwawa Mkombezi constituency

a. Mikalango ward:

Mwala Primary School
Makande Primary School
Changa Primary School
Chituwi Primary School
Nkumaniza Primary School
Mchenga Primary School
Beka Primary School
Msinja Primary School
Chambuluka Primary School
Mwalamba Primary School


b. Alumenda ward:

Goma Primary School
Therere Primary School
Linga Primary School
Ntowe Primary School
Saindi Primary School
Malikopo Primary School
Nsenjere Primary School
Singano Primary School
Jombo Primary School
Kholongo Primary School
Nkavu Primary School


3. Chikhwawa Central Constituency

a. Lengwe ward:

St. Mathews Primary School
Nchalo Primary School
Nyamphota Primary School
Mbewe Court
Mwanza Primary School
Piyasi School
Makanga School
Sekeni Primary School
Shire Club

b. Bwabwali ward:

Mangulenje Primary School
Suweni Primary School
Ndakwera Primary School
Mandrade Primary School
Mwai Primary School
Bereu Primary School
Kalima Primary School
Mlomba Primary School
Phingo Primary School
Mawira Primary School
Namalindi Primary School
Mvivi Primary School
Dyeratu Primary School
Satodwa Primary School
Nantchengwe School


4. Chikhwawa North constituency

a. Mwamphanzi ward:

Nkudzi Primary School
Kawaye Primary School
Thabwani Primary School
Mfera Primary School
Dulansanje Primary School
Gumbwa Primary School
Mikolongo Primary School
Mtawa Primary School
Thabwa School
Namagondwa School


b. Ndalanda ward:

Chikwawa Primary School
Chikonde Primary School
Njereza Primary School
Kandeu Primary School
Pende Primary School
Fombe Admarc
Gaga Primary School
Namitembo Primary School
Phatika Primary School
Zimbiri Primary School
Chikhwawa Prison
Chigumula Primary School
Nkundula School


5. Chikhwawa East constituency

a. Makhwira North ward:

Maperera Primary School
Nkhate Primary School
Ngwengwe HQ
Makhwira Court
Tsapa Primary School
Nyang'ona Ground
Phimbi Primary School

b. Makhwira South ward:

Mitondo Primary School
Bodza Primary School
Mchacha Primary School
Ole-Ole Primary School
Mpama Primary School
Nyangu/Nyakamba School
Mazongoza P. School
Champhanda Village
Pakamwa Village


6. Chikhwawa West constituency

a. Chibisa ward:

Mwanalilenji Primary School
Chibisa Court
Kanyongolo Primary School
Kakoma Primary School
Kanzimbi Primary School
Dzinthenga Primary School
Phwadzi Primary School
Kampomo Primary School
Siyali Village
Mbundu Primary School
Tchande Primary School

b. Chimwanjale Ward:

Kubalalika Primary School
Gunguli Primary School
Gola Primary School
Finiasi Primary School
Chithumba Primary School
Changoima Primary School
Liston Village
Chang'ambika Primary School
Chitungwani Primary School
Kunyondo Primary School
Ngowo Primary School
Ngona Health Centre
Mtemera (Mamine) School
Salumbidwa
Maleme


NENO DISTRICT

1. Neno South Constituency

a. Lisungwi ward:

Lisungwi School
Matope School
Malimba School
Kholombidzo School
Dzundu School
Kasenjere School
Mkavu School
Mwetang"ombe School
Naminjale School
Nkula
Nsawedza School
Mpunga School
Midzemba School
Nchena School
Nkhombe School
Mapanga-Kammwamba School
Tsanjalamwimba School
Somisomi (Thima) School
Luwani
Kandoje U-5 Clinic
Kasupe School

b. Ligowe ward:

Chifunga School
Golden (Chidokowe) School
Chididi School
Ligowe School
Mlindi School
Ntayanyemba School
Chuluchamankhwala School
Mkomaliwilo Primary School
Makali School
Chimbamira School
Chipindu School


2. Neno North constituency

a. Chilimbondo ward:

Mangadzi School
Chitimbe School
Nsambi School
Chawe School
Chilimbondo School
Neno Mission
Nchokadala School
Mchenga School
Thumba School
Thava School
Mwadzi School
Mpimbi Junior Sch
Kamoto School


b. Chikonde ward:

Chikonde School
Chiwambe School
Mlemeka School
Mpakati School
Matandani School
Nsenjere School
Monekera School
Mfunda School
Nanzanga School
Kalitera School
Kaponda School
Mwanza District

Mwanza Central Constituency

a. Khudze ward:

Mphande Primary School
Chidoole Primary School
Mwanza ADMARC
Mwanza Secondary School
Kunenekude Health Centre
Kanjedza Primary School
Namiwawa Primary School
Mwanza Prison
Khudze Primary School
Mphingwi Primary School

b. Mitseche ward:

Futsa Primary School
Michiru Primary School
Mwembezi Primary School
Mphete Primary School
Sanjika Primary School
Kachere Primary School
Galafa Village Clinic


Mwanza West Constituency
a.Thambani Ward:

Tsupe Primary School
Muwale Primary School
Phanda Primary School
Thambani Primary School
Kaponyatola Primary School
Kalanga Primary School
Chisambang'ombe

b.Mpandadzi ward:

Mwanza Primary School
Ching’ombe Primary School
Mtsamika Primary School
Kadoole Primary School
Lipongwe Primary School
Thawale Secondary School
Mpandadzi Primary School
Maye Primary School
Mkantho Primary School
Mpira Primary School


BLANTYRE CITY

1. Blantyre City West constituency

a.Blantyre City Central Ward:

Blantyre Tax office
Chilomoni LEA
Namiwawa School
Nancholi Clinic

b.Chilomoni ward:

Likhubula School
Mulunguzi School
Chilomoni Catholic School

2. Blantyre Kabula Constituency

a. Mbayani ward; malo olembetsera voti ndi awa:

Mbayani Primary School
Chemusa Assemblies Pvt Sch

b. Michiru ward:

Chirimba School
Namatete School

c. South Lunzu ward:

Namilango school
South Lunzu School
South Lunzu CDSS

Malawi: 49 Years, Living the Lie of Independence

July 6, 1964. A young man, less than 24 hours old, abandons his maiden name, Nyasaland, adopts a strange name, Malawi, and departs from his elder guardian’s care into a world he knew nothing about.


And the young man saw that deserting the elder guardian’s care was not enough!


The young man, consequently- having retired from his elder guardian’s care for the unknown bush- shrugged off all the Black Jack’s hooks that clung to his only shirt, opting for the heat emitted by the fragile rays of a rising sun!


Thus, in a village half-known to the world, a new nation was born. Malawi!


Did Edmund Burke (1729 – 1797), the legal expert, politician and author realize that this was bound to happen, anyway, when he said, “But when subjects, by a long course of such ill conduct, are once thoroughly inflamed, and the state itself violently distempered, the people must have some satisfaction to their feelings more solid than sophistical speculation on law and government”?


He might have known.




The road to hope


If not, why did people like Rev. John Chilembwe (1871 – 1915)- who, some historians argue, inflamed the seeds of nationalism when he led the natives of Chiradzulu in rebellion against Thangata system (bonded labour)), hut tax, and other ills on 23 January, 1915- rise up against the British authorities?


Burke argues, in his Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol, that “I am, and ever have been, deeply sensible of the difficulty of reconciling the strong presiding power, that is so useful towards the conservation of a vast, disconnected, infinitely diversified empire, with that liberty and safety of the provinces which they must enjoy, or they will not be provinces at all.”


Indeed, it is the shortfalls, and excesses, of the diversified British Empire that begum to inflame and disorient the natives, culminating in the fight for Malawi’s independence- pressure that bore fruit on 6 July 1964.


The British Empire- so outstretched and magnanimous - could no longer cope up with the demands of a ‘vast, disconnected, infinitely diversified empire’, a responsibility that came with the prestige of being the ‘elder guardian’ of many peoples. And, as destiny would have it, that responsibility started to wane when, in the 1950s, agitations for independent rule increased.


What hastened this state of affairs was the colonial rulers’ ill-fated decision to form the Federation of Nyasaland and Rhodesia in 1953, bringing Northern Rhodesia (modern Zambia), Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and Malawi into an unholy alliance that was doomed to fail due to opposition from nationalists.


Proponents of independence had their ranks strengthened when Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who had been studying medicine in the United States of America, returned home on 6 July, 1958. So determined was Banda to break “the stupid federation of Nyasaland and Rhodesia” that he accepted to become the leader of the National African Congress [Nac –the modern day Malawi Congress Party (MCP)]. The Nac was a child of the educated Nyasaland elite who wanted more freedoms and expressed their grievances- first through natives’ associations and, then, the Nac- with willful force.


And, for his daring spirit, Banda was arrested and sent to Gwelo Prison in Zimbabwe- only to be released in 1960, so he could attend a constitutional conference in London, United Kingdom. After that, it was journey-started for the MCP, which went on to score an overwhelming victory when elections for a new Legislative Council were held on 15 April 1961.


This victory, and growing calls for self-rule, prompted the British government to offer Nyasaland self-governing status in 1963, a development borne out of November 1962 Constitutional Conference held in London. And, as promised, Banda assumed the position of Prime Minister on 1 February 1963, though he did not become the de facto leader because the British administrators maintained a strong hold on key aspects such as judicial, financial, and security operations.


Chances of Nyasaland finally detaching herself from Britain then grew following the adoption of a new constitution in May 1963, and the subsequent abolition of the Federation of Nyasaland and Rhodesia on 31 December 1963. The implication was that, as the new day dawned on the Land of the Lake, a new nation was born. Within seven months, on 6 July 1964, the former British colony became a member of the Commonwealth.


It had been a long journey; a journey that ended in favour of the British by chance. While the Portuguese reached this part of Africa much earlier, with records stretching their presence as earlier as the 16th Century, it was Scottish missionary Dr. David Livingstone’s 1859 visit to Lake Nyasa that titled the stakes in favour of the British!


And Livingstone’s troubles were rewarded 32 years later when the British government declared Nyasaland a protectorate in 1891.


However, it was until 1966 that the prodigal son (Malawi) adopted a new constitution that paved the way for a one party state. And it was Banda, who had become the symbol of Malawi’s enduring spirit, who became the first President.


But his road, like the colonial one before it, had to reach a point of no-through road. That happened when Malawians voted in favour of multiparty democracy during the Referendum of June 1993.


And, what had, for 30 years, been a single party state stretched into a democracy after the Presidential and Parliamentary Elections of May 1994. The electorate gave the United Democratic front (UDF) the mandate to rule democratic Malawi by electing 82 of its 177 Parliamentary candidates to the National Assembly.


But, in spite of the UDF’s third successive victory in the Presidential elections of 2004, the party was dealt a heavy blow when its winning presidential candidate, Dr. Bingu wa Mutharika, announced on February 5, 2005 that he had dished the party because its leaders were frowning upon his zero tolerance for corruption crusade.


Thus, just in the nick of time, the UDF became an elections’ winning opposition party! Mutharika later formed the Democratic Progressive Party (MCP), prompting seasoned politicians such as former Speaker of the National Assembly Sam Mpasu to question the logic of forming a political party while in government. His argument was that one “forms a political party in order to get into government, instead of getting into government in order to form a political party”.


It was a puzzle. Really. A puzzle replayed on the DPP following Mutharika’s sudden death on 5 April 2012. His DPP had been a ruling party on this day, only to be pushed to the opposition benches in Parliament when President Joyce Banda was sworn in on April 7. Her Peoples Party moved from being an aspiring ruling party to a ruling party.


Such have been some of the jig-saws strewn along Malawi’s independence path.





Contrasting signs


However, while the country has made strides in improving the living standards of its people, the path has been thorny for a large part. In their Democracy Report for Malawi, for example, Dr. Wiseman Chirwa et al aptly observe: “The 1990s witnessed a remarkable surge in civil society in unmistakable stages of development, but which in the end failed to act in concert with the state to pursue a socio-economic programme.


“The population labours heroically to make a living by scarce means; adult literacy is 57 percent (42 percent for women), infant mortality is high, and nutritional indicators are subject to the harvest and vagaries of household income”.




As a result, “Malawi is among the poorest and most foreign-indebted countries in the world, nine-tenths of all people making a living from low-productivity agriculture…Less than half of GDP (Gross Domestic Product) comes from agriculture, though the high-value segment of the sector provides 90 percent of exports. Industry accounts for 12 percent of GDP; a third is agro-based for export.



“In the decades since Independence, Malawi has partaken of the continent's sharp fluctuations in growth. In the manner of other sub-Saharan countries, it has had to reform its economy without much improvement of its meagre productive base. Acute inflation and stagnant peasant agriculture characterise the economy. Creating jobs, guaranteeing food, strengthening infrastructure for production, correcting mal-distribution, and reining in prices are priority socio-economic tasks in this young democracy.”



Until that is done, however, the living conditions among ordinary citizens will continue to be dire.



However, other researchers have been more sympathetic to Malawi’s situation. In his article, Economic developments in Malawi Since Independence, published in the Journal of Southern African Studies (Vol. 2, No. 1), Simon Thomas observes that, “ideally, the actual performance of the economy should be compared with its potential, but, given the possibility of different objectives by policy makers, this potential has no uniquely defined meaning.”



Adds Thomas: “To compare the situation before and after independence is likely to be meaningless if either the objectives of policy or external economic environment have radically altered. An alternative approach might be to compare Malawi’s economic policies and performance with that of a country with similar resources and objectives, but no similar country exists for such a comparison to be made.”



This notwithstanding, documents from the Ministry of Finance indicate that the country’s economy continues to perform relatively well against its own history, as seen when Malawi maintained single-digit inflation during the later part of Mutharika’s regime.


The domestic debt got sliced as well, from 25 percent of GDP in 2004 to 11.6 percent of GDP in the 2010/2011 fiscal year; with the budget deficit being reduced from 7.8 percent of GDP in 2003/2004 financial year to 1.5 percent of GDP in 2010/2011 financial year.


While economic, political and social commentators may continue to debate the pros and cons of judging Malawi’s performance, what is clear is that the pillar of independence is now of 49 years’ standing.





The road to nowhere

Even though Malawians purchased their freedom after a long struggle, and constructed their pillar of independence using the moisture in their blood, there is little to show for their pain- at least in some social and economic respects.


For the ordinary citizen, the road to sustainable development has had various windings, raising doubts that citizens’ aspirations were about to be met. It is like the nation has abandoned the right path.


After all, didn’t Voltaire (1694 – 1778) not warn “That a right line, which is a right line so long as it is finite, by changing infinitely little its direction, becomes an infinite curve; and that a curve may become infinitely less than another curve”?


Supposing the ‘right line’ to be development, can we say that we have stayed the course when public projects whose funding has been approved by Parliament go unimplemented?


The Centre for Social Concern (CfSC) sums this well when, in its Policy Brief No. 1: The Paradox of Continuous Foreign Borrowing in a Rash of Stalled debt Sponsored Projects, it observes that a number of health care service and road construction projects have been abandoned after due Parliamentary approval.


Mathias Burton Kafunda of CfSC’s Economic Governance Programme observes that the government should take the flak for this. “The reasons for the rash of stalled or abandoned debt sponsored infrastructural and other projects across the country are often not too far to seek. For one, there is the poor performance by the government itself. For decades Malawi’s reform efforts to make an impact with foreign borrowed money have been Tango 1-2-3 movements: One step forwards, two sideways and three backward.



“There is no penalty within government for bad borrowing decisions or poor project implementation. And in respect of improving delivery of ‘pro-poor’ services, the mindset of the Political/bureaucratic elite is similar to Rhet Butler’s famous last words in Gone with the Wind:Frankly, my dear, I don’t give a damn’. The accountability of government officials to the citizens is far more attenuated; in effect, it is utterly non-existent.”



This lack of accountability and neglect manifests itself in Neno district, probably the only fully-fledged district without a tarred road in Malawi. Save for the modern health facilities erected by the Clinton/Hunter Foundation, the district would have been the cold spot on the Warm Heart of Africa.



Another district that has borne the brunt of neglect is Phalombe. Although Parliament approved a US$7 million (approximately K2.3 billion) debt from Badea (a grouping of Arabic governments), the people of Phalombe continue to depend on private hospitals. Apart from the living, the dead also suffer- as their lifeless bodies are often ambulanced to Mulanje District Hospital or Zomba Central Hospital for storage.


But one other feature that betrays the term independence is the lack of lights (neon or otherwise) on bill boards announcing one’s arrival to a city, district, or town assembly. When local or foreign tourists drive into a different administrative area, they are more likely to miss the message ‘Welcome to Chikhwawa/Salima/or Nkhotakota’ at night because of the lack of lights.


No wonder that one foreign tourist, British citizen Michael Robinson, once asked me after we had driven past Chia Lagoon on our way from Salima to Nkhotakota Zero-Point (Central Business District): “So, where is the demarcation between Salima District and Nkhotakota?”


I told him it was the bill board we had driven past some five minutes, or so, before. He could not contain his laughter (read, mockery). He has missed the ‘Welcome to Nkhotakota message’ because it was dark outside. Robinson then schooled me on the meaning of lights, saying they symbolized the presence of people.


“If there are no lights, the way it is in most parts of Malawi, it means that the people there are dead,” Robinson said, to my chagrin.


The only time these light-less welcoming billboards are visible at night is when light from the headlights of an on-coming vehicle reflects against the billboards, revealing the ‘Welcome to…’ words. In which case, the headlights represent foreign influence because, without them, the message on the billboard remains invisible and thus dead.


Which raises the question: Can the dead claim to be independent?


Indeed, what is the meaning of independence when the aid budget in Malawi contributes up to 38 percent of GDP , which goes further to reveal our degree of dependence? What is the value of independence when the influence of bilateral and multilateral donors remains enormous? Is it Malawi that introduced Structural Adjustment Programmes against its own will, for example?


To say the truth, the country is indebted to foreign governments and donors. In the 2012/13 fiscal year- to quote Budget Document Number 5’s Draft Estimates of Expenditure on Recurrent and Capital Budget for the Financial Year 2013/14- year-on-year interest on foreign debt amounted to K3.9 billion, and will hit K5.2 billion in the 2013/14 national budget.


It is estimated that the figure will inflate during the 2014/15 fiscal year, hitting K8.4 billion.


The fact that interest on domestic debt in the 2012/13 fiscal year hit K28.9 billion- and is expected to hit K30.3 billion in the 2013/14 budget, and K35.0 billion in the 2014/15 fiscal year- only buttresses the point that the citizens of independent Malawi are forever dependent on others!


Consumer rights activist, John Kapito, says that poverty and the heavy yoke of debt may forever weigh down Malawi’s fragile back because of greed among politicians.


“Politicians think only of themselves. They get into the government poorer than a church mouse, and get out extravagantly richer. Our leaders think not of people but themselves. They are guided by greed,” Kapito says.






Untying the tentacles of greed

Did Kapito say greed?


The great philosopher, Aristotle, in the Fifth Book of his Nicomachean Ethics, observes, in a get-over-the-hill-the-way-you-like way, that greed is the “extreme opposite of justice”.


To which the great Italian poet and politician, Dante Alighieri (1265 – 1321), adds: “Greed ignores man himself and seeks other things, but charity ignores all other things and seeks God and man, and consequently man’s good.”


Freedom, adds Dante, consists of being ruled by reason and in living for the goal of mankind.


“We must realise that the basic principle of our freedom is freedom to choose, which saying many have on their lips but few in their minds. For they go only so far as to say freedom of choice is freedom of will in judging. This is true, but they do not understand its import. They talk as our logicians do, who for their exercises in logic constantly use certain propositions, such as ‘A triangle has three angles equal to two right angles’ (they just confuse people).”


The implication of this observation is that, even after collectively toppling the colonial regimes that presided over the affairs of Africa after the Partition of Africa (set rolling after the Berlin Conference of 1884 – 1885), post-independence leaders rule simply because they want to unify their people, other than bringing real development to them. And, soon, excitement turns into murkiness as citizens’ hopes falter.


Which brings us to the conclusion made by one author, long before Malawi came into existence.


“But”, observed Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712 – 1778), author of books such as Discourse on the Origin of Inequality (1755) and The Social Contract (1762), “in truth, what else was to be expected? Every community without laws and without rulers, every union formed and maintained by nothing better than chance, must inevitably fall into quarrels and dissensions at the fist change that comes about.”


May be this change- after colonialism and one party rule- was the democratic government that came into force in 1994. But, like those before it, the citizens have not, really, benefited, and all the democratic regimes are bound to fall ‘at the first change that comes about’.


May be this state of affairs could be blamed on the governance systems adopted by the leaders. Emmanuel Kant (1724 – 1804), in his tell-it-as-it-is book Perpetual Peace (written in 1795 when he was 71 years old) observes that there are some three notable maxims that leaders who are bound to fall follow, namely: Fac et excusa (First do and then excuse); Si fecisti nega (Deny whatever you have committed); Divide et impera (divide and govern).


According to Kant, leaders who adopt the Fac et Excusa concept “seize every favourable opportunity of usurping a right over their own state, or a neighbouring state. After the action, its justification may be made with greater ease and elegance…”


The Si fecisti nega type, however, deny whatever they have committed. “For instance, if you have reduced your people to despair, and thus to rebellion, do not confess it was through your fault. Place all (blame) to the account of the stubbornness of your subjects. If you have taken possession of a neighbouring state, maintain that the fault lies in the nature of man, who, if he is not anticipating, will certainly seize upon the fortunes of another.”


But it is the Divide et impera type that behaves in a funny way. “If there exists among a people certain privileged chiefs who have conferred upon you sovereign power (primus inter pares), set them at variance with each other, embroil them with the people. Favour the latter and promise them more liberty, and all will soon depend on thy will. Or if your views extend to foreign states, excite discord among them; and, under pretense of always assisting the weaker, you will soon subject them all, one after the other.”


It is these leadership qualities, may be, that have turned independence into nothing more than a fallacy.




Independence doesn’t exist

When everything is said and done, is there any such a thing as independence?


Dante said independence, or put the other way, sovereignty, doesn’t exist.


Said Dante: “Furthermore, human society is a totality in relation to its parts, but is itself a part of another totality. For it is the totality of particular states and peoples, as we have seen, but it is obviously a mere part of the whole universe. Therefore, as through it the lower parts of human society are well ordered, so it, too, should fit into the order of the universe as a whole.


“But its parts are well ordered only on the basis of a single principle, and hence it too must be well ordered on the basis of a single principle, namely through its governor, God, who is the absolute world government. Hence we conclude that a single world government is necessary for the well-being of the world.”


On the other hand, it could be that independence really exists, but, like a ‘tender stem of a reed’, it has been overstretched by the machinations of post-independent leaders, making it lose one of freedom’s essential ingredients, namely: The Common Good!


After all, didn’t the poet Bouterweck warn against stretching the reed so much when he recited, before Malawi was born, thus:


Bend the tender stem of a reed;

Bend it too much and it breaks.

He who attempts too much attempts nothing.

Witchcraft: Malawi's Dogmatic Monster!

Forty-two year old Jonathan Mbulaje from Kanjuli village in the area of Traditional Authority Kamenyagwaza, Dedza, once sacrificed the outer part of his left ear to rumour; now, he struggles to live up to the haunting reality he will never have it back.

It all started as a simple matter one September day in 1999 when, after establishing a flourishing maize mill enterprise that helped save people from the hassles of traveling a sweat-filled seven kilometers to either Bembeke Trading Centre or (Bembeke) Turn-off, he was accused of ‘magically’ killing people and placing them inside his mill. The locals generally believe that, when that happens, the business thrives, generating quick returns.

“The next thing...I was awakened around mid-night by the thunderous roll of people who, first, smashed the window panes of my house and then broke my door. Some of them bit me up and...I don’t really remember what actually happened next but I just felt blood oozing from my left ear;(and) when I touched it, the left part was not there. Where it went, who took it, and for what reason, I will never know," says Mbulaje, adding:

“But that experience shuttered and devastated me, mainly because what they said was not true. In fact, I have never believed that there is witchcraft, that these things are real. I feel the whole belief is merely opium smoke from exhausted brains. We can never develop with this attitude and that’s the reason I left the area a long time ago and am now into cross-border trade, buying things like brankets and shit-beds in South Africa for sale back home,” says Mbulaje.

The father of six adds that when the mob realised that he had lost an ear, they became scared, knowing it would now be a Police case, and disappeared quieter than they came. Some of them were fellow villagers, he says.

Mbulaje must have been fortunate to have escaped with his life as others, like 82-year old Patani Phiri from Nkhota-kota, lost their lives under similar circumstances.

Worse still, there are scores that have been chased from their respective communities- the only people and places they probably ever knew in this life turning their backs on them, as Civil Liberties Committee Executive Director Emmie Chanika observes. Over the years, her organisation has been over-whelmed with requests for shelter and legal aid from individuals suspected by their communities to be practicing witchcraft.

“It’s really becoming nasty and worrisome. Innocent people are being victimized, maimed, even killed –all this for something as nonsense as witchcraft,” says Chanika.

“But, somehow, we still have to do something. Government should stop burying its head in the sand like an ostrich. The thing is, our laws should now recognise the existence of witchcraft, realising that colonialists included a clause in the Witchcraft Act stipulating that anyone who accused another of practicing it was committing a criminal offence simply because it suited their interests. They never wanted mob justice in villages; they never wanted to see people being forced to drink Mchape, as used to happen with our early traditions and, really, it worked.”

According to the human rights activist, her organisation is currently working on a case where a civil servant in Chikwawa (name withheld) is being chased from an area on accusations of practicing witchcraft. Several children have complained that they were being taught witchcraft by the same- accusations the 'accused' denies.

As if to stamp the issues with his authority, the village headman jurisdicting over the area summoned the individual and ruled in his absence that she lives the area. But the suspect never appeared before the village court on grounds that, as a civil servant, she is not under the jurisdiction of the headman, an argument Cilic supports.

“In fact, we have told her not to move out, and we will make sure we get to the dead-end of this issue. Why it is that only women are accused of teaching children witchcraft? Where are the men in all this? I feel it is because, culturally and traditionally, women are looked down upon; they are the easy scape-goat.”

Pastor Willie Chaponda of Mustard Seed Ministries supports the idea of amending the Witchcraft Act, saying, as a church leader, he has received several complaints from people, lamenting about the practice. Witchcraft has reached a crescendo, he says.

Chaponda explains that he has, to date, received over a hundred people asking him to pray for either them or their children because they are “active witches. So,he says, witchcraft is really there and needs to be recognized as such. There must also be clearly-stipulated punishments for those practicing it to bring back sanity in our communities.

He describes as a fallacy assertions to the effect that only those who accept practicing, “rather, the constitution says ‘pretending' to practice”, should be punished because we know it (witchcraft) is there but not everybody can just come forward and say ‘I practice it’”.

He has ‘proof’: “I once went to minister at a funeral in Chiradzulu and was bewildered that, upon my arrival, children who had been there since morning started to disperse one by one. When I enquired as to what the matter was, I was told that the children had heard that I exorcise people of witchcraft through prayer, and were afraid that I would do the same to them. Here, we see children who practiced witchcraft running away on their own, showing that the practice is there.”

Chaponda even adds that witchcraft varies with the extent of years in practice, it has degrees. It is difficult to pray for someone who has practiced for a long time, and it takes time to exorcise them completely. To some extent, people even vomit such things as snakes, frogs and centipedes, he reveals.

Elizabeth Divala, Blantyre Police Spokesperson- while acknowledging that her office has received as many as 20 cases of witchcraft, with six convictions of self-confessed practitioners (the law says pretenders)- argues that the issue is made complicated by lack of enabling legislation, as the current Act does not recognize witchcraft.

She says the Victim Support Unit (VSU) refers cases of witchcraft back to traditional leaders or the clergy, and that there have been some cases of success in that area, especially with people who are willing to be helped and thus confess.

“These are more-less like spiritual issues because they are mainly perceptions to do with the mind; we are talking about something people say is there but cannot point out (its) form. The only time it works with us is when individuals confess, and we open a file under the charges of pretending to practice witchcraft. Apart from that, we seek the help of religious leaders who seem to be helping us a lot,” says Divala.

Grant Chipangula, Traditional Healers Association of Malawi president, adds his voice to the hot-potato issue. He says any legislation dealing with witchcraft should first be handled by traditional doctors because they are the only ‘experts’ on the issue and, to that effect, more likely to find a remedy over the witchcraft jig-saw.

“Only us,traditional doctors and healers, can providing a lasting solution to this. The problem is that policy makers tend to over-look us, thinking we are less educated to grasp issues they treat as technical. But in our area, and the issue of witchcraft is a very good example, we are our own experts," says Chipangula.

His words could be sober and worth considering, it seems. What with African Network for the Protection and Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect (ANPPCAN)-Malawi Chapter Executive Director, Ken Williams Mhango, claiming there is even a school drilling children in the practice in Salima district.

The organisation conducted a survey between January and February this year in Machinga. Among other findings, children who confessed to practing the same complained that those who refused t learn the 'trade' from parents or relatives suffered various kinds of abuse.

"Around 60 of the children we interviewed complained that they were subjected to physical assaults as well as food deprivation, so you can see that there is a relationship between child abuse and witchcraft. In fact, the issue also touches on other areas of development such as education, as most children end up sleeping in class instead of being attentive simply because they had been busy all night," says Mhango.

And in Salima, he adds, they established that there was a school training children in witchcraft. 'Around 1000 children are said to be in attendance, and 50 graduate every month".

"These things are real; let us look back into the law. A law that betrays the wishes of the people is not a law, it is a flaw."



Inside the law

Studies conducted by the Association for Secular Humanism indicate that up to 87 percent of Malawians believe in witchcraft.

This is despite he existence of a Witchcraft Act that renders it an offence (Section 4) to accuse any person of practicing witchcraft or being a witch. Those who perpetuate such an offence attract a fine of K25, 000 and up to a prison sentence of five years with hard labour.

That is not all, though. Section 5 makes it an offence to employ a sing’anga, sangoma (witchdoctor) to name-call or identify witches in a community. In that case, the personage is liable to a fine of K 25,000 and to imprisonment for five years if found guilty by the court.

And, as if taking cognisance of the fact that traditional leaders are sometimes in the lead, when it comes to accusing some of their subjects of practicing witchcraft, Section 7 stops chiefs from allowing witch-hunting in their communities.

‘Disobedient’ chiefs pay heavily- by local standards- for their role, as they are liable to a fine of K 25,000 and to imprisonment for five years.

Section 8 of the Witchcraft Act then caps it all by implicitly declaring that the calling of witch- finders or witchdoctors is illegal and that every person pretending to exercise such calling commits a crime and is liable to imprisonment for life.

Lastly, Section 3 stipulates that those who avail themselves, or participate in witch-hunting practices shall be liable to a fine of K5, 000 and serve one year in prison.

GOVERNANCE PLATFORM CALL FOR CREDIBLE AND CONSCIOUS DELIBERATION AND PASSING OF THE BUDGET: PARLIAMENT’S ROLE IN BUDGET REVIEW IS IRREPLACEABLE

PRESS RELEASE
Issued on Thursday, 20thJune 2013


INTRODUCTION
The Governance Platform (GP) is a grouping of civil society organizations that are currently implementing programmes that advance good governance in Malawi. As a loose grouping with a clear mandate to stir responsive transparency and
accountability and citizen voice, the GP was formed during the DPP-led administration as a mechanism for collective and proactive engagement with government, adding value and complementing to the work of like-minded CSOs.


Through this, the Governance Platform seeks to consolidate the efforts of CSOs in sustaining citizens’ voices on emerging socio-economic and political governance issues.


The GP has closely followed the tabling of the 2013/14 national budget statement by the Minister of Finance and continues to follow the mood, context of the subsequent plenary proceedings in Parliament. As a platform interested in budget credibility, including the much needed independence and increased role of Parliament in the budgetary processes; we, the undersigned, wish to raise a few observations that are CFSC critical in bringing the budget close and responsive to the citizenry issues of concern.


The GP is further mindful of the earlier comments and observations raised by different actors, and is therefore driven by its commitment to stewardship, service for mankind, trust, transparency, accountability and mutual respect.



BUDGET OVERVIEW


According to the Budget Statement for the 2013/14 fiscal year, the national budget is still being anchored around "No Net Domestic Financing". This fiscal anchor is reported to be premised at reducing the domestic debt stock to allow the private sector space to borrow at reasonable rates for productive investment.


Total revenues and grants for the 2013/14 financial year are expected to amount to K603.4 billion from K460.9 billion in 2012/13 FY. Domestic revenues are projected at K363.1 billion, representing 60.0 percent of total revenue and grants, while K240.3 billion are donor grants, representing 40.0 percent of total revenue and grants. Of the
total domestic revenues, tax revenues are projected at K328.1 billion while the non-tax revenues are estimated at K35.0 billion.

Grants, on the other hand are expected to increase by 36 percent from K177. 4 billion estimated for 2012/13 financial year to K240.3 billion.


The overall fiscal deficit for the 2013/14 FY is thus projected at K34.8 billion.

This deficit will be wholly financed by foreign borrowing amounting to K42.0 billion. Part of foreign borrowing will also finance domestic debt repayment of K7.2 billion which in turn will reduce the domestic debt stock from K170.6 billion at the end of 2012/13 financial year to K163.4 billion at the end of the 2013/14 financial year.



OUR OBSERVATIONS

• The Governance Platform partners are concerned that Government is not doing much to reduce the level of borrowing.

We note that while efforts are being made to stop domestic borrowing and repay domestic debt stock of about
MK170.8 billion, it appears that Government’s shift to foreign borrowing currently estimated at K42 billion puts to question its commitment to long term fiscal sustainability.

This is particularly important looking at the amount of loans Government is intending to borrow coupled with some of the seemingly unplanned project related loans that are not premised on viable returns.

• The Governance Platform is also worried with incorporation of some initiatives in the budget that are a duplication of existing Government’s efforts, and remain a drain of taxpayers through either direct financing or repayment of loans. One such effort is the new Mudzi Transformative Trust which in essence is a duplication of the Local Development Fund (LDF) and COMSIP projects.

As a platform we believe that any serious Government needs to be sensitive in avoiding efforts that are rather a burden to taxpayers, as this may be construed to be politically motivated ahead of the 2014 polls. It is our
considered view that any new initiative should be based on wide consultation and empirical evidence to justify its relevance and the prospects gains and returns on investments.


• While commending development partners for financing the budget to the tune of 41 percent of total expenditure, we therefore also wish to reiterate that Government needs to always strive to be cautious with donor aid as any lack of
concrete commitment from donors may render the national budget extremely difficult to execute. This is in line with other suggestions that Malawi should reflect and move with speed to reduce donor support through good, consistent
and sustainable monetary and fiscal policies. Unfortunately, it appears the Budget Statement remains blank and rather just ‘politically correct’ on strategies to reduce donor dependence but instead appeals for more support.


As a platform we believe this is attainable if Government is able to display total commitment in pronouncements and action reducing corruption and other forms of economic wastage.


• While the Budget Statement also makes emphasis on the development of the mining sector as a potential sector for economic growth in line with the Economic Recovery Programme, it is worrying that the statement lacks details
on the current performance of the sector to warrant this optimism for more tax incentives for recovery.

The Governance Platform is not in any way against provision of targeted incentives which are based on concrete economic prospect and a clear corporate social responsibility strategy for private investors; rather it remains worried that, unfortunately, to date, no one seems to know how much mining exploits such as Kayelekera and other operational ones are contributing in taxes or corporate social responsibility to serve as a basis for more such incentives.

It is even more worrisome that efforts by the August House to demand this information have always not been supported to facilitate the rich debate of the sector that should yield us the answers long awaited; thereby leaving room for perceived speculations about Government led corruption in the sector.

We cannot sing the song of the booming extractive industry in Malawi when there is no information made public as to how much Malawians are benefiting through taxes and other royalties. We are still not clearly told of development initiatives by government financed through the budget from proceeds from mining revenues thus far, for instance.


• The Governance Platform further notes that many changes have been effected to the current national budget in attempt to improve the budget classification and information. While some developments such as simplification of the budget documents are welcome, we are however concerned with the missing allocations in the name of reclassification.

While there have been verbal pronouncements by the Minister of Finance in explaining where certain votes have been allocated, it is rather doubtful if such information is worthy trusting in the absence of written information as it could be easy for Government to just make such verbal claims for purposes of passing the budget.

Similarly, the budget votes that many stakeholders have raised their concerns on need to be procedurally and accordingly adjusted without and not through verbal assurances only from the Minister of Finance.


• The Governance Platform still remains worried with the manner in which the State Residences vote was handled by the Deputy Speaker of Parliament.

This is made against the understanding that there was a strong contrary opinion demanding further explanation on this particular vote in the House and that amidst this, the “No Passing Vote” was more than the “Yes Passing Vote”, and contrary to this, the Deputy Speaker still declared the Vote passed.

While the intention of every Malawian is to have the budget passed, we are aware that passing the budget without accountability and scrutiny is not only counter-productive but also a recipe for laxity in the performance of the budget.

It is for this reason that we find the Deputy Speaker’s remarks urging Members of Parliament to pass the budget running contrary to their mandate. This, in a way, rather puts to question the neutrality of the Office of the Speaker in moderating the enactment of the national budget.


• The Platform finally observes a huge imbalance towards consumption without supportive focus to the productive sectors in line with the export-led growth through operationalisation of the National Export Strategy. A case in point is the FISP budget of MK60.1 billion in the MK118 billion budget for Ministry of Agriculture, which remains highly contentious with the gross in-efficiencies that are not giving us the returns on investments.


Perhaps it is high time that Government should rationalize such an allocation by for instance taking off say
MK20 billion (as championed by the Farmers Union of Malawi) towards the commercial oriented production for exports and forex generation.



RECOMMENDATIONS

The Governance Platform is cognizance of the complexity of the budget design and the need to promote a fair balance between efforts for private investment and the call for duty to public service delivery.


The Platform agrees with Government that there is need to continue with a tight fiscal and monetary policy stance, to ensure that Government operations do not contribute to soaring inflation as well as interest rates; and the crowding out of the private sector.

However, as the Minister of Finance is calling for every citizen to continue to strive to live within our means, Government must also demonstrate by act and deeds that they are equally taking full responsibility in spending within their means without compromising on public service delivery.


Specifically, the Governance Platform wishes to make the following recommendations:

1. Parliament is encouraged to give the national budget due justice by ensuring that every vote is scrutinized and passed with clear understanding.

This is cognizance of the importance of the supply committee of the budget for which the Office of the Speaker needs to facilitate such rich critique rather than bulldoze the passing of the budget that lacks its people-centred and long term aspirations of Malawians.


It would be in the interest of Malawians to see unjustified allocations recommended for review or reduced or indeed
completely rejected such as the OPC, Minister’s Office, State Residence, FSIP and internal travels.


2. While the deficit in the budget has to be filled through borrowing from external sources or more revenue collection, we urge Government to be cautious with level of borrowing to avoid accumulating borrowing debt stock. It is for this reason that we find the shift from domestic borrowing to foreign borrowing as insignificant effort to the call to live within our means.


3. The Minister of Finance is duty bound to avail written evidence of explanations made on any missing budget allocations or those that have been reclassified as he is responding to concerns by the August House. We therefore caution Members of Parliaments from accepting verbal claims as there is a risk of passing a budget that looks different in the House yet executed in the same away as presented in the initial detailed draft budget estimates.


4. On one hand, we urge the donor community to fulfill its resource commitments for 2013 and beyond in order to support faster stability of the exchange rate and moderation of inflation.

On the other hand, we urge and insist that Parliament and Government should find concrete strategies to reduce donor
dependency both in the medium and long terms.


5. The Governance Platform reiterates the call for the establishment of the National Planning Commission. This will help to bring order in the borrowing of loans as currently there are some initiatives (such as Mudzi Transformative
Trust and one family one cow) that are not only suspicious but also not pressing priorities worthy investing on though politically popular.

We need choices and decisions that transcend political considerations.


6. In the work of self-reliance and economic recovery, we agree with Government that the people of Malawi have no wish to turn into a nation of subsidies.

By extension, we wish to bring to the attention of Government and Parliament that the people of Malawi are active and apt citizens to determine which subsidies are appropriate.

Henceforth, we urge politicians to desist from initiating more subsidies in the name of the poor for political mileage as doing so will trap Malawians in a cobweb of ‘dependency’ for life.


7. Above all, we urge Government to put in place concrete strategies to promote fiscal discipline and improved public service performance in view of the low absorption capacity as stated by the Minister of Finance. Government must therefore be on track to minimize wastage, and foster prudence in the management of public finance by among others strengthen systems and procedures, and a clear performance based awarding system for public servants.

We further reiterate our earlier appeal to Government to lead by example by ensuring that it avoids unnecessary expenditures in the budget which has the potential to undermine the burden that Malawians in general are bearing.


Endorsed by

Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (national)
Centre for Social Concern (CFSC)
Civil Society Education Coalition (CSEC)
Malawi Health Equity Network (MHEN)
Malawi Justice Economic Network (MEJN)