SADC Chaiperson's Remarks By President Mutharika on Aug 17, 2014

Your Majesty, King Mswati III, of the Kingdom of Swaziland;

 

• Your Excellency, Robert Gabriel Mugabe, President of the Republic of Zimbabwe, Deputy Chairperson of SADC, and our Gracious Host;

 

• Your Excellency Hifikepunye Pohamba, President of the Republic of Namibia, and Chairperson of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation;

 

• Your Excellencies Heads of State and Government here present,

 

• Your Excellencies First Spouses;

 

• Your Excellency Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Chairperson of the African Union Commission;

 

• Your Excellency Dr. Stergomena Lawrence Tax, Executive Secretary of SADC;

 

• Your Excellency Dr. Donald Kaberuka, President of the African Development Bank;

 

• Your Excellency Dr. Carlos Lopes, Executive Secretary of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA);

 

• Your Excellencies Deputy Executive Secretaries of SADC and all officials from the SADC Secretariat;

 

• Members of the Press;

 

• Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen;

 

I am very pleased to stand before you on this auspicious occasion of the Official Opening of the 34th Ordinary Summit of SADC Heads of State and Government being held here in the magnificent Victoria Falls, one of the wonders of the world.

 

Allow me at the outset, to express my utmost appreciation to the Government and the people of Zimbabwe, through you, Mr. President, for the warm welcome and excellent hospitality that has been extended to our various delegations upon and since our arrival in the Mighty Victoria Falls.

 

Your Majesty, Excellencies, Honourable Ministers, Ladies and Gentlemen;

 

Before I go further, I would be failing in my duties not to express my sincere gratitude to the SADC Heads of State and Government for having accorded Malawi the rare opportunity to preside over the affairs of the region as your Chairperson.

 

Following the Tripartite Elections in May, 2014, I took over the mantle of leadership of our regional bloc. I want to thank SADC and individual SADC heads of state and Governments for the support you gave to Malawi during our last election. Democracy and the rule of law finally prevailed and Malawi is once again on the path towards reconstruction. I cherish deeply the support and guidance you have accorded to me, as the “New Kid on the Block.”

 

Your Majesty, Your Excellencies; Honourable Ministers, Ladies and Gentlemen;

 

During Malawi’s tenure as the Chairperson of SADC, immense strides were made with the pursuance of the regional socio-economic development agenda.  It is gratifying to note that the consolidation of the SADC Free-Trade Area remains on course, and negotiations for the COMESA-EAC-SADC Tripartite Free-Trade Area are at an advanced stage, paving the way for finalisation, in 2016, as well as laying the foundation for the Continental Free Trade Area.

 

The COMESA-EAC-SADC Tripartite Summit is scheduled for October, 2014, at which we shall have the opportunity to review progress with the implementation of the Tripartite programme to date, and provide further guidance to this process. It is important that we keep the momentum in the tripartite negotiations because it is one of the key building blocks of achieving Continental Integration.

 

Within SADC, it is critical that we continue to strengthen the industrialisation in our countries, through the implementation of the key facets of our “Industrialisation Pillar.” We adopted the SADC Industrial Development Policy Framework as a vehicle for the transformation of our economies in terms of employment and wealth creation; boosting of value based exports, as well as addressing the long standing challenge of trade imbalance among our Member States.  I am excited to note that the theme of the Incoming Chairperson seeks to strengthen this initiative. I encourage the Region to rally behind the Chairperson, to ensure successful implementation of this painful but necessary process.

 

In the area of infrastructure development, and following the adoption of the SADC Regional Infrastructure Development Master Plan in Maputo in August 2012, the process of marketing our projects has been intensified.  We, however, need to redouble our efforts to allocate local resources for investment in infrastructure if we are to scale up implementation of agreed priority projects. Of particular concern is the urgent need to address power shortfalls in the region, and provision of trade related infrastructure, namely; transport infrastructure, border facilitation measures and elimination of notorious Non Tariff Barriers (NTBs).

 

Your Majesty, Your Excellencies; Honourable Ministers, Ladies and Gentlemen;

 

Pursuant to the implementation of the Dar-Es-Salaam Declaration on Food Security and Agriculture, which was approved in 2003, Malawi adopted, as a Theme for the tenure of office “Agricultural Development and Agro-Industries: Key to Economic Growth and Poverty Eradication,” as theme for her tenure of office. In this regard, I am pleased to report that we worked closely with the Secretariat, the Members States and other parties on a programme, which is aimed at addressing food security and malnutrition in the region, especially amongst the women and the young children of the Region.  In line with this mandate, the Ministers responsible for Agriculture and Food Security, and the Ministers responsible for Health, met in July, 2014 in Lilongwe, Malawi, to consider and approve the SADC Strategy on Food and Nutrition Security for 2015-2020, focusing on empowerment of women and the youth.

 

The Strategy which will be tabled for Your Excellencies’ consideration, today is expected to contribute towards the attainment of the objectives of the SADC Common Agenda as stipulated in the SADC Treaty of 1992; the 15-year Strategic                   Roadmap; the Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan adopted in 2003; and the Dar-es-Salaam Declaration on Agriculture and Food Security, which called for the implementation of a series of short and long term measures to strengthen sectoral cooperation among SADC Member States and the Regional Agricultural Policy (RAP). We are grateful for the support that we received in rolling out this programme and related interventions.

 

During the year under review, we continued to push for empowerment of women, reduced gender based violence and gender mainstreaming.  Based on our Regional Score Card, SADC Member States are still far from attaining the targets that have been agreed at both the continental and regional levels. It is, therefore, critical that we continue to work together, supported by our own peer review, to ensure that gender equality and women empowerment reach acceptable levels.

 

 Your Majesty, Your Excellencies, Honourable Ministers, Ladies and Gentlemen;

 

One of the most critical aspects of the SADC Agenda in the last year has been the Review of the SADC Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan. It is heartening to note that the Secretariat and the Member States accorded this process the priority it deserved.  The outcomes of the Review shall be tabled before the Summit. What is important going forward is the fact that we should rally around the priorities identified by the review. I am convinced that these are priorities that will make the most impact on our regional objectives.

 

However, what is more important is to ensure that such priority interventions are adequately resourced. It is for this reason that more efforts need to be targeted towards the establishment of the SADC Regional Development Fund. I am more than convinced that the Fund will help us mobilise own resources which will assist us to achieve our dream of a “common future”. What we need is the strong will to achieve SADC’s common destiny.

 

Our experience in the last year suggested that the Secretariat is under-resourced and, therefore, underperforming. Again going forward, we need to scale up on allocations for key programme related activities.  In return, we expect that the Secretariat, under the watchful eye of the Council, shall utilise these resources in an optimal and cost efficient manner.

 

Your Majesty, Your Excellencies, Honourable Ministers, Ladies and Gentlemen;

 

On the political front, the Chairperson of the Organ will give a detailed report, However, let me briefly say that as part of our mediation efforts, the long process of dialogue and preparation for elections in the Republic of Madagascar culminated in democratic elections in that country and we feel proud as SADC, that a democratically elected government is now in place and the focus in that country has since shifted to economic development aimed at improving the quality of lives of the people of Madagascar.  I call upon all our Member States to work together with the Government of Madagascar in its effort in rebuilding the country and ensure its economic transformation.  We are also proud to note that, as part of our continued efforts to consolidate our democracy, the Republic of South Africa and Malawi held successful elections during our term. We feel proud that the region continues to live up to expectations and commitments democratically.

 

Your Majesty, Your Excellencies, Honourable Ministers, Ladies and Gentlemen;

 

The region continued to enjoy peace and security. The situation in Eastern part of the Democratic Congo has improved. The disbanding of the M23 was a milestone in the effort of SADC and the United Nations to have peace in that part of the country. The contribution of the brigades by my country, Tanzania and South Africa has contributed to this success story. SADC’s contribution in 2013 to the efforts of bringing Madagascar to political normalcy resulting in the re-admission of the country into the African Union and SADC. We, as SADC, should be proud of this achievement.

 

As I handover the Chairmanship of the Organisation to His Excellency, Robert Gabriel Mugabe, I urge all of us to remain committed to the ideals and principles of the SADC Treaty. In this regard, I call upon you to render the usual support to the Government of Zimbabwe in fulfilling this enormous but doable mandate.

 

It is my singular honour and privilege to declare the 34th Ordinary Summit of SADC Heads of State and Government Officially Opened.

 

I wish you excellent and fruitful deliberations at this Summit, and God Bless SADC, God Bless Africa.

 

End

For The Archives: MAIDEN STATEMENT BY HIS EXCELLENCY PROF. ARTHUR PETER MUTHARIKA, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI AND CHAIRPERSON OF SADC ON THE OCCASION OF THE 34th SUMMIT MEETING OF THE SADC HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT HELD AT ELEPHANT HILLS RESORT HOTEL CONFERENCE CENTRE VICTORIA FALLS ZIMBABWE ON 17th AUGUST, 2014,

•Your Majesty, King Mswati III of the Kingdom of Swaziland;


•Your Excellency, Mr. Robert Gabriel Mugabe, President of the Republic of Zimbabwe and Incoming Chairperson of SADC;


•Your Excellency, Mr. Hifikepunye Pohamba, President of the Republic of Namibia and Outgoing Chairperson of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation;

•Your Excellencies, SADC Heads of State and Government here present;

•Your Excellencies First Spouses;

•Your Excellency Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Chairperson of the African Union Commission;

•Your Excellency Dr. Donald Kaberuka, President of the African Development Bank;

•Your Excellency Dr Carlos Lopes, Executive Secretary of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA);

•Your Excellency, Dr. Stergomena Lawrence Tax, Executive Secretary of SADC;

•Honourable Ministers from the SADC region;

•Members of the Diplomatic Corps;

•Representatives of the Civil Society here present;

•Distinguished Guests;

•Members of the Press

•Ladies and Gentlemen.




I feel greatly honoured to be present at this August Assembly of the SADC family, after being elected as a Head of State of the Republic of Malawi in May, 2014. I am humbled and flattered by the extraordinary congratulatory, goodwill and encouraging messages, I received from my distinguished fellow SADC Heads of State and Government. I have been greatly touched by, particular, your willingness to cooperate and collaborate with my Government.



My deepest sense of humility comes from the fact that in the globalised world, there is nothing much I can do without you. My Government, therefore, wishes to reciprocate, by strongly affirming its readiness to cooperate and associate with all Member States within the SADC Region, for our mutual sustainable political and economic development. Any success during my tenure of office will partly be a product of your support and cooperation. I am thus humbled to know I can count on your firm support and solidarity, which have characterized the SADC family.



Your Majesty, Excellencies, Honourable Ministers, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen



Turning to our gracious host, allow me, to express my profound and heartfelt appreciation to the Government and the people of Zimbabwe, for the exceptional and generous hospitality accorded to me, and my delegation, since our arrival in this beautiful and majestic tourist town of Victoria Falls.



I am aware that your heritage is one of the wonders of the world, and it is my intention, I am sure just like most of you, to enjoy God’s creation while here.



It would be remiss on my part not to thank tremendously the SADC Executive Secretary, and her formidable team, for working tirelessly and valiantly in preparing the dossiers for this Summit. This will make us spend less time in addressing the issues as outlined on the Summit Agenda.



Your Majesty, Excellencies, Honourable Ministers, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen;



My Government attaches great importance to the ideals, principles and objectives as agreed by the Founders of this Organisation, and articulated in the SADC Treaty. Our noble and mammoth task is to translate their vision and aspirations into actual and tangible benefits for our peoples. My Government will remain steadfast in contributing to make the dreams of the Founders become a reality.



As you are aware, we are scheduled to consider the Revised SADC Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (RISDP) for 2015-2020. We must grab this opportunity and ensure that the revised blueprint document recalibrates and repositions SADC to comprehensively implement its intended objectives, in order to realize the aspirations and vision as enshrined in the SADC Treaty.



Your Majesty, Excellencies, Honourable Ministers, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen;



You will note that the ultimate goal of SADC is to use regional economic cooperation and integration as a veritable vehicle to achieve inclusive sustainable economic growth and development, as well as eradicate poverty in the SADC region.



We must use our developmental tools such as the yet to be established SADC Regional Development Fund to ensure that there is equitable sustainable economic growth and development in the SADC region, thereby facilitating effective and efficient regional integration.



I would like to assure you that my Government will play its rightful role to ensure that the SADC Regional Integration Agenda is implemented for the mutual benefit of all Member States in the SADC region.





Your Majesty, Excellencies, Honourable Ministers, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen;



On the global front, I would wish to encourage SADC to continue working more closely on inter-regional, continental and global issues of mutual interest, in particular, the SADC/COMESA/EAC Tripartite Trade Negotiations; the African Union 2063 Agenda; the ACP-EU Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs); the Post-2020 ACP-EU Cotonou Partnership Agreement; the Post-2015 Development Agenda; the WTO Doha Development Round, just to mention but a few.



Let me emphasize this point because, by working in unison and not in isolation, SADC will be able to create a critical mass for effective and beneficial outcomes of the negotiations with the development partners.



Given the evolution in the global development aid dynamics, I strongly believe that SADC should take seriously, trade and investment, as key drivers for sustainable economic growth and inclusive development. The SADC Protocols on Trade, Trade in Services, Finance and Investment as well as the SADC Industrialization Programme, should be implemented effectively to ensure inclusive and equitable socio-economic development in the SADC region.



It is my strong belief that the successful implementation of these instruments will assist us in transforming our economies, from consuming and importing nations to manufacturing and exporting countries, thereby improving significantly the livelihoods of our peoples.



Your Majesty, Excellencies, Honourable Ministers, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen;



At this juncture, allow me to share with you some developments at home in Malawi. As you are all aware, Malawi held its first-ever Tripartite Elections in May, 2014, which were described, as free, fair, credible and transparent by regional and international organizations, such as SADC, COMESA, African Union, European Union and Commonwealth. I wish to take this opportunity to commend the SADC Electoral Observer Mission for playing a key role in the whole electoral process in my country.



As you know, 2014 is a unique year as countries that attained their independence in 1964 are celebrating their 50th Anniversary of their independences. Likewise, Malawi commemorated its Golden Jubilee of Independence Anniversary on 6th July, 2014. We used that opportunity to take stock of progress achieved, thus far, and strategize on our development agenda for the next 50 years and beyond.



The African Union also celebrated its 50th Anniversary in 2013, and launched its 2063 Agenda. We in Malawi will conform and align our ambitions to the African Union 2063 Agenda together with the aspirations of the SADC’s Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan, to ensure consistency, correlation and complementarities in the development of our Region and Continent.



Let me take this opportunity to personally congratulate Your Excellency, Mr. Jacob Zuma, President of the Republic of South Africa, for your re-election to another term of office. This has clearly demonstrated the confidence and trust that the people of South Africa have in your leadership. In the same vein, let me wish Your Excellencies and dear Brothers of Botswana, Namibia and Mozambique, effective preparations for your upcoming elections in the course of this year.









Your Majesty, Excellencies, Honourable Ministers, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen;



As I conclude my remarks, I would like to assure you that my Government is committed to continue working towards honouring our obligations under the SADC Treaty for the transformation of our region into a highly competitive economy, socially developed, peaceful and secure.



My Government will also ensure that there are synergies between national and regional development programmes to facilitate deepening and fast tracking regional economic cooperation and integration.





We will revitalize our work in the implementation of the SADC Regional Integration Agenda, through the Revised SADC Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan and Strategic Plan of the Organ II on Politics, Defence and Security, so as to achieve inclusive sustainable economic growth and development in this region.



Thank you for your attention and I wish you success in this Summit meeting.




God bless us all

Of AMECEA, Homosexual Unions, Pope's Teaching and the Catechism of the Catholic Church

By: Fr. George Buleya (Secretary General of the Episcopal Conference of Malawi)



There have been suggestions in the recent past criticizing the communiqué that was produced at the end of the AMECEA (Association of Member Episcopal Conferences in Eastern Africa) plenary assembly and insinuating that in matters dealing with homosexual unions, what the Church in this region has said is at variance with indications from His Holiness Pope Francis and the teachings of the Catholic Church contained in its own catechism.


Although it's not within the tradition of the Catholic Church in Malawi to be engaging people in the media over misrepresentations of the Church's doctrine (there are many of those, by the way!), the levels of interest generated by this accusation and the potential this line of thinking has in misleading and confusing people is such that I have been compelled to put a few thoughts together and situate the matter raised in the communiqué in its rightful context. I will do so by situating the homosexual union issue within the context of the communiqué, secondly, within the wider teachings and indications of the Catholic Church.




Homosexual Unions and the AMECEA Communiqué
It is important to understand that every time the Bishops within the AMECEA region meet (and that is once every three years and from now it will be once every four years), their discussions are guided by a theme that they carefully choose for themselves. This time around, for the meeting that was held in Malawi, the guiding theme was "New Evangelization through True Conversion and Witnessing to Christian Faith". The theme was chosen to reflect and explore the linkages between the Apostolic Exhortation Africae Munus, the Synod on Evangelization and the just-ended Year of Faith. Recurrent in this theme are issues of (i) New Evangelization; (ii) true conversion, and (iii) witnessing to the Christian faith.



For the practical purposes of discussing this theme, as is the case in many such meetings, the theme was subdivided in seven subthemes, one of which focused on the role of the family and Small Christian Communities. It is in this context, and after thorough discussions, that the Bishops sought to defend the role of the family against all kinds of threats, including the very definition of family. It is in this defense that the Bishops mentioned the issue of homosexual unions, and this is what they said:




The threat to the family in our region is now more real than ever before . . . We affirm institution of marriage as an indissoluble union of love between a man and a woman open to procreation and denounce any attempt to redefine this institution. Family life must be promoted and protected so that it can provide men and women who can weave a social fabric of peace and harmony. We strongly condemn same sex unions and other deviations that go against human nature and natural law. (see point no. 3 of the Communiqué)




So what the one hundred Bishops (including Archbishops and Cardinals) from the eight countries did was simply in this regard to affirm the definition of marriage as an indissoluble (that is, life long and therefore no divorce!) union of love between a man and a woman (that is, not people of the same sex nor with species other that human beings!) open to procreation (that is, with an inherent readiness to have children). This is what the Catechism of the Catholic Church teaches and this is what the Church has held and passed on for centuries (see, the Catechism of the Catholic Church No.1601 and The Code of Canon Law, canon 1055). In the communiqué, the Bishops are not talking about homosexuality per se - no - the Bishops are talking about homosexual unions prompted by what they see as misguided efforts to redefine marriage and family to include homosexual unions.




Homosexual Unions and the wider teachings and indications of the Catholic Church
Understanding the difference between homosexuality and homosexual unions is key to comprehending and appreciating the various pronouncements and teachings of the Catholic Church in these matters. Homosexuality as a sexual orientation or a tendency is different from a homosexual action or even union. When one is a homosexual, it does not mean that he or she will actively indulge in homosexual acts just like when one is heterosexual it does not mean that he or she will actively indulge in heterosexual activities. One may be homosexual in orientation and not engage in homosexual acts, and one may not be a homosexual and nevertheless indulge in homosexual acts (as is the case with heterosexuals living in the limited conditions in of prisons).




Following this distinction, the teaching of the Catholic Church has always been that the homosexual condition is disordered, but not sinful in itself. It is in line with this teaching that His Holiness Pope Francis in July 2013 said that he would not judge anyone for their sexual orientation. However, once a person with this orientation or indeed a person without this orientation indulges in homosexual acts, the Church has always taught that such acts must always be judged as objectively evil and totally unacceptable. The homosexual unions that the AMECEA communiqué condemns are but homosexual actualizations and not homosexual condition or orientation! A homosexual union is not on the level of sexual tendency or orientation, it is on the level of sexual act!




So it is indeed that in the same one, holy, Catholic and apostolic Church, when we are dealing with homosexual acts and unions, the Church does not miss its words: these are objectively evil and totally unacceptable; but in front of the homosexual orientation and homosexual persons, the attitude of the Church is non judgmental; yes their condition is disordered but not sinful in itself.



So, for those who understand the teachings of the Catholic Church and the inherent truth in them, there is no contradiction in substance, meaning or direction between what the AMECEA Bishops have said in their communiqué and what Pope Francis and the Catechism of the Catholic Church say on the same!




Conclusion
The moral dialectic employed by the Catholic Church in its teachings where certain actions are judged to be objectively right or wrong while at the same time refraining from judging the actual persons is in line with and stems from Jesus' own ethical indications: condemn sin but love the sinner! What the Episcopal Conference of Malawi Bishops wrote in their Pastoral letter, Catholic Teaching on Homosexuality, Abortion, Population and Birth control, underscores this dialectic:



The Church's ministers must ensure that homosexual persons and those indulging in homosexual acts, if any exist in their care will not be misled to believe that the living out of this orientation in homosexual activity is morally acceptable option. It is not. (However) as a loving mother and reflecting the unconditional love of God, the Church understands that for most of the homosexual persons, their condition is a trial. As such, they must be accepted with respect, compassion and sensitivity. (see 3.1.3 page 8)



So what the AMECEA Communiqué, the Pope and the Catechism of the Catholic Church say on this matter belong to the teaching heritage of the one, holy, Catholic and apostolic Church! No contradictions at all!

Before We Forget: Delayed Payment of Allowances for Drivers from Government Departments

PRESS RELEASE

The Malawi Electoral Commission wishes to inform all drivers from government departments that worked during polling that it is doing everything possible to have their allowances paid.


Funding for paying the drivers was supposed to come the elections budget through the Treasury. However, the Commission has been unable to pay the drivers due to some technicalities.


To that effect the Commission has arranged a meeting this week with the Minister of Finance to discuss this and other outstanding issues.The Commission will communicate the outcome of the meeting with the Minister of Finance as regards when the polling staff would be paid their dues.


This will also include outstanding June salaries for District Elections Coordinators, Constituency Returning Officers, Drivers, ICT Data Entry Clerks, Stringers, Constituency Civic and Voter Education Assistants and Warehouse Clerks. The general public is assured that it is in the interest of the Commission to pay the temporary staff as soon as possible for the services they rendered and this matter is being treated as a high priority.


The public should also note that this does not affect teachers whoworked on the polling day because their honorarium is being paidfrom the donor basket funding that is managed by UNDP.


Signed this 11 th day of August, 2014 at Blantyre

Sangwani Mwafulirwa, Director

Media and Public Relations

Before We Forget: First Lady of Malawi joins High Level Group on ESA Commitment

...Scaling up comprehensive sexuality education and reproductive health services for adolescents and young people across Eastern and Southern Africa


For Immediate Release


29 July 2014 (Lilongwe, Malawi): The First Lady of Malawi, Madame Gertrude Mutharika, became the latest member to join the Eastern and Southern Africa (ESA) Commitment’s High Level Group. Madame Mutharika joins the High Level Group, composed of prominent leaders from the Eastern and Southern Africa region who oversee the implementation of the ESA commitment. The ESA Commitment was endorsed on 7 December 2013 by Ministers of Education and Health who have committed to scale-up delivery of comprehensive sexuality education and sexual and reproductive health services for adolescents and young people across the region.



This Commitment will help to address the many challenges facing young people in the region. For example, more than 35 per cent of young women have experienced some form of sexual violence at some point in their lives. In addition, HIV infections continue to be an urgent issue with an estimated 430,000 new infections every year among young people aged 15 to 24.



Speaking on behalf of the High Level Group, Mama Salma Kikwete, First Lady of Tanzania, congratulated and welcomed the newest member, Madame Mutharika: “I am confident that working together as First Ladies, we will make a meaningful contribution to positive health outcomes for our young people. We congratulate her on the appointment.”



Speaking at an official dinner that took place at the Golden Peacock Hotel in Malawi, Mr. Mahimbo Mdoe, Acting UN Resident Coordinator of Malawi and UNICEF Representative said, “we know that more needs to be done to end child marriage, to ensure girls stay in school, to stop teenage pregnancies, to stop STI and HIV infections and to ensure that boys and girls have the information and services that they require to be healthy, empowered citizens in their communities”. He also acknowledged the presence of the Ministers of Gender from the SADC region and stressed the need for all sectors to work together to attain the ESA Commitment targets.


Accepting the honour, Madame Mutharika said, “the endorsement of the ESA Commitment came at a critical moment in the region and will provide the momentum needed to address the education and health needs of our future generation. I commit myself to work with the High Level Group to ensure that our region’s adolescents and young people are ready for today and tomorrow.”


For more information and a copy of the ESA commitment visit the campaign website: youngpeopletoday.net


.The ESA Ministerial Commitment is an initiative of national governments, in partnership with the UN, Southern African Development Community (SADC), East African Community (EAC), civil society and development partners, under the leadership of UNAIDS.


.Countries endorsing the ESA Commitment: Angola, Botswana, Burundi, DRC, Ethiopia, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, South Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe.

Before We Forget: Civil Society Organisations Condemn Unreasonable Sentence of Prominent Swaziland Activists

JOINT STATEMENT BY CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS

25 JULY 2014



The undersigned organisations, meeting at the Public Interest Law Gathering in Johannesburg, condemn the conviction and unreasonable sentence handed down by Judge Mpendulo Simelane in the Mbabane High Court in Swaziland.



Last week, Judge Simelane found human rights lawyer Thulani Maseko and magazine editor Bheki Makhubu guilty of contempt of court and today sentenced them to a two-year jail term without the option of a fine. Judge Simelane argued that the articles penned by Maseko and Makhubu inThe Nation magazine interfered with the administration of justice as they referred to a criminal matter still pending before court. Maseko and Makhubu had criticised the arrest and detention of government vehicle inspector, Bhantshana Gwebu, in January this year after he charged the driver of one of the Supreme Court judges with following an unauthorised route. The articles amounted to legitimate comment on the conduct of the judiciary and should not have led to the contempt of court charges brought against Maseko and Makhubu.



The pair has been unlawfully detained since their arrest in March and the trial has been fraught with procedural irregularities. Maseko and Makhubu had sought Judge Simelane’s recusal due to his personal involvement in the Gwebu case, which had been the subject of the articles in question. In his judgment, he provided evidence related to the Gwebu matter, which remained unchallenged as he had not testified during the trial.



To compound the trial’s injustices, Judge Simelane imposed the maximum possible sentence of two years imprisonment on Maseko and Makhubu and, in addition, a E100 000 (USD10 000) fine on the magazine and its publisher. The sentence failed to take into account the time Maseko and Makhubu had already spent in detention while awaiting trial.



The case has highlighted the increasing repression of activists in Swaziland and the conviction and sentence will further entrench the culture of fear in that country. The criminal justice system is being used by the authorities to silence those who dare speak out against the conduct of those in power. This case is a stark reminder of the lack of independence of the Swazi judiciary and we believe that this is a serious concern for the region as a whole.



Maseko and Makhubu’s legal representatives are discussing the option of filing an appeal against the conviction and sentence. We call on the Swazi judicial and political authorities to ensure that an appeal be heard expeditiously and that due process be followed throughout the process.



Independence of the judiciary is a cornerstone of democracy and we wish to express our solidarity with Maseko and Makhubu and the people of Swaziland.



Socioeconomic Rights Institute (SERI)

Wits School of Law

Lawyers for Human Rights

Section 27

Southern Africa Litigation Centre

ProBono.org

Legal Resources Centre

Centre for Applied Legal Studies

Black Sash

Students for Law and Social Justice

Right to Know Campaign

Freedom of Expression Institute

Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights

Southern African Human Rights Defenders Network

Centre for Child Law


Further Info:

Nicole Fritz, Executive Director, Southern Africa Litigation Centre; Tel:+27 (0) 10 596 8538; Mobile: +27 (0) 82 600 1028; Email:nicolef@salc.org.za


Jacob van Garderen, Lawyers for Human Rights; Mobile: +27 (0) 82 820 3960; Email:Jacob@lhr.org.za

Before We Forget: Fire Incident at Malawi Electoral Commission Warehouse in Lilongwe

PRESS RELEASE
For Immediate Release 17/07/2014)

The Commission met in an emergency session on Wednesday, 16 th July, 2014 in Lilongwe to, among other things, consider preliminaryreports issued to it concerning the fire that gutted its Warehouse inLilongwe during the night of Tuesday, 15 th July, 2014.

According to the reports, the fire, which begun at around 00.25hours, destroyed all electoral materials that were in the Warehouse including 2,400 ballot boxes which contained ballot papers, 81 GasCylinders, 168 Gas Lamps, amongst other items.Lilongwe City Assembly Fire Brigade was immediately called to putout the fire.

Among the Ballot Papers that have been destroyed are those for Lilongwe City South East Constituency that were due to berecounted following a Court Order.Having analysed the preliminary reports, the Commission is of the view that, arson cannot be ruled out.


In view of the premises, the Commission has formally approached the Inspector General of Police to institute appropriate investigations.The Commission wishes to emphasize that all security measures weretaken. The official security detail at the warehouse included 10armed Police Mobile Service (PMS) officers and two Security Guardsfrom SWOOP Security Company per shift.In addition, Malawi Congress Party provided two monitors per shift.


We have been made to understand that the National Intelligence Services (NIS) provided services although this was not agreed with us.Equally there was no prior notification of their involvement.The Commission will provide appropriate updates on this unfortunate incident.

Justice Maxon R. Mbendera, SC
CHAIRMAN

Development Challenges Facing Mwanza, Neno Districts

White elephants derail Mwanza, Neno development agenda



Sub-Traditional Authority Govati of Mwanza does not remember the last time he saw a wild elephant in the district. Yet, every time he steps out of his house, another type of elephant awaits him: The white one!


“We have a lot of white elephants in Mwanza. From Thambani, which falls in my area, and other faraway places, we simply have so many of these. Politics seems to have perpetuated the trend,” Govati says.


Of course, he is referring to uncompleted projects, and not necessarily elephants with ‘white’ skin. After all, according to www.marylandzoo.org, elephants only have “gray” and “wrinkled” skin. The website adds that elephants are known as pachyderms, along with hippos and rhinos, a name derived from the Latin words for “thick” and “skin” (‘derm’) to literally mean “thick-skin”.


To strengthen his case, Govati cites uncompleted houses marked for teachers and healthcare service delivery workers.


“We have a situation at Thambani (Trading Centre) where two houses meant for health workers have remained uncompleted for years. Again, at Kalanga Primary School, a teacher’s house built through the efforts of the Area Development Committee (ADC) has not reached window level some three, four years after the project begun,” Govati says.


Govati says other abandoned projects include a gravity water project that has remained a pipedream even after the commencement of ground work.


Unfortunately, Govati’s subjects are not the only ones affected as Inkosi Kanduku can testify of having his fair share of white elephants.


Kanduku says one of the hardest hit sectors is education, where learners have to cover a distance of between five and 10 kilometres to get to the nearest learning facility because the schools in their area do not meet minimum standards.


“For example, we have the case of Futsa Community Day Secondary School. Construction of a school block, courtesy of the European Union, started and completed in 2009 but, up to now, nobody knows when the school will open its doors to our children because there is no tangible progress. In fact, some people are using the school block as a hall,” Kanduku says.


But the Ngoni chief puts his foot down on suggestions that education officials should open the school to learners, saying it is better for community members to hold their breaths until the facility meets minimum standards other than expose their children to a deplorable learning environment.


However, the decision to keep the block closed to learners has come at a cost as learners from neighbouring areas such as Tulonkhondo have to cover a distance of more than eight kilometres to access education facilities at Thawale Community Day Secondary School in the district. However, the forum for District stakeholders adopted the proposal by Councilors Moses Bingalasi Walota and Lloyd Gosho and T/A Govati’s proposals to open the school for forms 1 and 2 while communities contribute sand and mould bricks for the remaining blocks and teachers’ houses. The two Mwanza West Councillors further pledged to present the proposal to their MP Hon. Davis Katsonga and that they facilitate the use of the Constituency Development Fund to complete the school block besides other sources of funds facilitated by the District Council time to time.







Stitch in time

Fortunately for Mwanza residents, Dan Church Aid, with support from Tilitonse Fund, has come to their rescue, thanks to the ‘Collaborative Action in Strengthening Local Governance Project’ being implemented by the Association of Progressive Women (APW).


Concerned with increased cases of abandoned projects, APW invited community members to consultative forums and mobilisation meetings in a quest to shape community perspectives and understanding around key development issues between the month of February and March this year. These efforts culminated in a number of community dialogues taking place with various community leaders in following up the unfinished or stalled projects.


“Among other things, we discovered that there is lack of coordination at various levels of government, which suffocates patriotism and community ownership to project implementation. There is also little coordination between the Central Government and District Councils in drawing up development plans and annual budgets,” Grace Moyo, the project officer, says, adding:


“There are also inadequate resources for councils to help build capacity of the Village Development Committees (VDC) and ADCs, training of traditional leaders on their new roles in democratic governance, coupled with deficiency in policy analysis, advocacy and low education levels. Deficiencies in coordination between these levels of governance are clearly demonstrated in the manner in which communities handled all these stalled and unfinished projects.”


Moyo observes that citizen influence has been generally low with their inputs having only peripheral effects in effecting positive change.


Her sentiments are echoed by programme manager, Noel Msiska, who cites a case in Kanduku’s and Mlauli areas.


Msiska says community members, through the VDC, proposed the construction of a bridge over a drift at Mkwilira River in a bid to address mobility problems faced by the pupils and residents around Dzomodya, Mbirizi, Mtaya, Butao and Kumpakiza villages during the rainy season.


He said the proposal was accepted by the Neno District Council and construction materials started arriving at the project site after community members had contributed sand and stones. The Council, he said, recruited its own contractor without thorough consultations with the ADC and VDC and the project took off.


“However, the ADC members, who were providing oversight monitoring, observed that, out of 50 bags of cement meant for the project, only 15 were used in electing the foundation of the bridge. As a result, construction works stalled and the communities still suspect that the rest of the construction materials, particularly cement, were taken up by the contractor who just left the project at foundation stage and they can hardly locate him. They wonder that the council is not holding him accountable for the unfinished project,” says Msiska.


Apart from these projects, the other notable projects that have been unnecessarily delayed or stalled in Mwanza and Neno altogether include the Ziyaya Chidole School Project, Kunenekude Police Unit construction, the community ground construction project and Muwanga Okhota Schools Development initiative where community members proposed the construction of a modern school block; Chidokowe Primary School, a Standard 1 to 6 learning facility that has only one block; Golden Village clean water project; Chifunga Police Unit; respectively among others.


Msiska contends that challenges faced by Mwanza and Neno residents are not unique to the districts, raising concerns that failure to complete projects seems to be a nationwide malaise.


He suggests that the Malawi government should engage an expert team to conduct an assessment study on all uncompleted projects in Malawi and make recommendations on how government can recover costs from such projects. He adds that legislation and the funding mechanism systems of the Constituency Development Fund and the Local Development Fund should also be reviewed.


“There is also need to implement measures such as increasing access to information at district level, simplifying reports to give all residents the opportunity to offer scrutiny, promoting open bidding for contracts, using agreed monitoring tools and promoting equal presentation of local leaders at district level to bring about transparency and accountability at all levels of governance,” says Msiska.


He adds that there is need to build the capacity of village monitoring committees in project monitoring, budget tracking and governance for them to be able to demand satisfaction of development projects within their localities, as well as reviewing the Local Government Act and Decentralization Policy.







Recurrent business

Mwanza District Commissioner, Gift Lapozo, says, under normal circumstances, councils act as engines of development by creating policies, mobilizing technical and financial resources in their bid to ensure that resources are well-utilised in advancing the development agenda.


Lapozo also says, under normal circumstances, public projects are not supposed to hit a snag on the basis that Members of Parliament (MP), or councilors, who initiated them have been voted out of office.


“Government is a growing concern: It doesn’t change; if anything, it’s the faces that change. So, if the government is a growing concern, why do development projects initiated by MPs stall once they are voted out of office and yet we say development derives from the people? It’s like kugwiritsa anthu ntchito yopanda malipiro (letting people toil in vain),” laments Lapozo.


Lapozo expresses concern that some stalled projects started as way back as 2010.


“These development projects just need funding. Piecemeal development approaches are catalysts for poverty, illiteracy. Let’s find out and discuss the way forward so that the newly-elected ward councilors can work smoothly. It’s time to share, to rectify problems and complete all stalled projects,” Lapozo says.

MESSAGE OF GOODWILL TO MALAWIANS ABROAD BY HIS EXCELLENCY PROF. ARTHUR PETER MUTHARIKA, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI, ON THE OCCASION COMMEMORATING GOLDEN ANNIVERSARY OF MALAWI’S INDEPENDENCE

MESSAGE OF GOODWILL TO MALAWIANS ABROAD BY HIS EXCELLENCY PROF. ARTHUR PETER MUTHARIKA,
PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI, ON THE OCCASION COMMEMORATING GOLDEN ANNIVERSARY OF MALAWI’S INDEPENDENCE









Ministry of Foreign Affairs and

International Cooperation

Lilongwe 3

6th July, 2014



My fellow Malawians wherever you are
Today is a memorable day in the history of our country. It is a milestone that we have clocked fifty (50) years since the attainment of our independence, and for this reason, I congratulate you all.



The past fifty (50) years have been a long winding road, teaching us great lessons and at the same time, making great strides and achievements. At the time of our independence in 1964, Late Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda, Father and Founder of the nation, laid the solid foundation that this country rests upon today and instilled in us the spirit of hard work and unity. We immediately embraced one-party rule, and as we continued with our political journey, in 1993 under Dr. Bakili Muluzi, we ushered in a new political dispensation of multi-party democracy. It gives me immense pleasure that our democracy is fast maturing, and that we are a good example to other countries in the region and beyond. In the twenty (20) years of our democracy, we have successfully conducted five (5) elections, all of which have been unanimously declared free, fair, peaceful, transparent and credible.



Along the way, between 2005 and 2009, Malawi achieved food security, thanks to sound agriculture policies of Late Prof. Bingu wa Mutharika administration. During this period, Malawi could not only feed itself, but had enough food reserves to serve other countries in the region. We also recall with pride, that it was during this same period, when Malawi witnessed the highest economic growth and stability.




Countrymen and women,
I take it as no mean achievement that in the first fifty (50) years of our independence, Malawians have had a female President, Dr. Joyce Banda. We commend the Late Prof. Bingu wa Mutharika for having taken the initiative and appointed her as the first ever female Vice President for our country. We will, therefore, go down in history as the first country in the SADC and second on the whole African continent, to have had a female president. This is ‘walking the talk’ of ensuring gender equality and women empowerment that is also one the UN Millennium Development Goals.



Above all, Ladies and Gentlemen, in the fifty years Malawians have proved themselves to the international community that we are a peace-loving, warm and friendly people, and no wonder we are referred to as the Warm Heart of Africa. We transact our political business amicably and diplomatically, and good neighbourliness is an important tenet of our foreign policy.



We have also demonstrated to the whole world that we are a peace loving nation by successfully holding in May, 2014 the Tripartite Elections, which despite logistical problems was acknowledged as free, fair, and credible.



My fellow Malawians,
Going forward, let us embark on the next fifty (50) years with renewed vigour and commitment to hard work, ethics, peace and unity for our country’s sustainable development. In Biblical terms, the number 50 symbolizes deliverance or freedom from a burden. Let us, therefore, join hands and have one common purpose of building our nation and lifting ourselves from poverty, which is by far our nation’s greatest enemy today. As a start, I have appointed a lean Cabinet that can be sustainable considering the level of our economy. My administration is also embarking on the civil and public sector reform, to ensure efficiency and effectiveness of service delivery. This, coupled with sound economic policies that we will soon be implementing, will translate into prosperity and tangible development that we all are eager to experience.



We count on your support in taking our country on a development path. I am aware that most of you have not effectively contributed to this noble agenda in the past, partly due to restrictive policies that we back home implement. I would like to assure you that my Government has created a conducive environment to enable you play your part in the socio-economic development of the country, through your remittances, investments and skills transfer. I encourage a spirit of patriotism from you our bretheren, so that as you live in the Diaspora, your home country Malawi should feature highly at the back of your mind.



Once again, congratulations, and I wish you all God’s blessings as we commemorate our Golden Independence anniversary.

A Reflection on 50 Years of Malawi's Independence

It is clear, after 50 years of independence, that the national development script was not designed to roll out like this.


In spite of the high hopes that independence would come with its array of attractive trappings, Malawi has turned out to be a begrimed landscape replete with all the miseries that come with underdevelopment.


May be the new nation of Malawi was just carried away by the notion of independence without being thoroughly prepared to embrace its ideals. Indeed, independence must have come abruptly for those who envisaged a land flowing with milk and honey at the proclamation of the word ‘Independence’.





The roots

Consider this: In one moment on July 5, 1964, Nyasaland struggling in the dark shadows of colonialism and, in the next moment, on July 6, 1964, it wore the cloak of a new state after the nationalists- led by Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda- flipped a switch in the dark and Malawi was free.


Indications are that the nationalists might have been following a pattern that started in Ghana. After all, these were educated men and women who were well-versed with affairs on the international stage. May be some background of nationalism may help.


Nationalism, according to the book, ‘Nationalism through State-Constructed Symbols: The Case of National Anthems’, says modern views of nation and nationalism were influenced both by Liberalism and Marxism and underpinned by general ideas of social evolution and human progress,acknowledging that “The discourse of nationalism is distinctively modern”.


“It is argued to have originated in the 17th century British rebellion against monarchy, the 18th Century struggle of the New World elites against Iberian colonialism, the French Revolution of 1789 and the German reaction to that revolution.


“For some commentators, such nineteenth century German writers as Fichte, Herder and Schleiermacher are the true nationalists; for some others, France is the birthplace of nationalism and Rousseau is its first theorist; for, yet others, nationalism is a universal phenomenon to be found in every settled community,” reads part of the book, which was written by authors from University of Western Macedonia, Florina, Greece.


So, it’s either that the nationalists in Malawi picked a leaf from Germany or France, or maybe they just awakened the dormant nationalistic spirit in the settled community that was the people of Nyasaland. And with it (independence), Malawi adopted those great symbols of a nation state: The national Anthem, local currency, national flag, coat of arms, territorial boundaries, among others.


Somehow, these symbols of a nation state had to mean something. The national anthem had to mean something. The national currency had to mean something. The coat of arms had to mean something. The territorial boundaries had to mean something: Something in the shape of a present we are all proud of.


Malawi was born.




Ragged path

Unfortunately, Malawi’s 50 years of independence have not been all they were meant to be. Nobody fully understands how the song of hope and freedom has faded under the blazing sun of the reality.


Consequently, instead of extending our ideals of freedom, complete with feeder roads and more infrastructures, we have only succeeded in reinforcing the contrast between pre-independence futuristic reverie and harsh reality. Slow progress in all aspects of life- economy, water development, sanitation, agriculture, to name a few- strains the limits of our hope and anxiety.


In fact, it is like Malawi discarded Britain and embraced a new master: The Breton woods institutions. When Malawi discards International Monetary Fund prescriptions, for instance, she creates a gnawing uncertainty about her economic future. A good case in point is when former president, the late Bingu wa Mutharika, refused to devalue the Kwacha.


So, in a way, Malawi has had a chastening encounter with post-independence reality, prompting the need for an unabashed national reevaluation of our nationhood and what it means to be independent. We have to, tightly, weave together a future we shall all be proud of.


What is freedom when Malawi has no international bus depot? If I may ask. What is the meaning of freedom when the country still uses the slow-pace train? What about corruption that has become endemic in the private and public sector?


Former president Joyce Banda, speaking at the Malawi National Consultative Conference on ‘Malawi at 50 and Prospects for The Next 50 Years’ on March 5 this year, summed the extent of our misery when she said:


“Since independence, Malawi has implemented different strategies including the Development Policies (Devpols), Malawi Poverty Reduction Strategies Paper (MPRSP), Vision 2020, Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS), and the current Malawi Growth and Development Strategy II (MGDS II), and re-emphasized by the Economic Recovery Plan (ERP).



“We have had mixed experiences in the implementation and outcome of these development plans. Some have succeeded while others have failed. For example, the per capita income stood at $381 in 2012 which is still far from the $1000 envisioned for the year 2020.



“At this point in time, with only six years to go before Vision 2020 expires, the situation is not much different from the one just described. About 50.7% of Malawians are still poor with little or no access to basic needs such as food, medical care, education, housing, water and sanitation.”


The President was spot on. With the Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS) II expiring in 2016 and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) ending in 2015, we cannot say Malawi has attained her goals.


Banda rightly concluded: “I feel it is time we revisited our way of doing things, examine how we have implemented our development strategies; where we have gone wrong and think through what we can do as a nation to go forward with much focus on the improvement of people’s lives.”





Hero worship

One of the reasons for our failure to make the best out of independence could be hero-worship. A subtle examination of the praise heaped on our leaders since independence leads to discovery of an aggravated inferiority complex stereotype. That is why we worship our leaders.


The problems started soon after independence. The Cabinet Crisis of 1964 is a good case in point. The rush to succeed, it seems, transformed pre-independence nationalist buddies into post-independence enemies: more less like friends in day time, nighttime enemies.


In the end, we have few things to point at as points of our success. Instead, we have more challenges than anticipated. A battered economy. Depleted drug chests. Leaking houses. Long unemployment queues: That’s all there is to Malawi’s 50 years of independence.


It is as if attaining independence in July 1964 stripped away myth-laden stereotypes about a Republic that would have its path to prosperity paved; instead, it (independence) exposed underlying complexities. That is why the nationalists’ initial aversion to colonialism did not grow into a warm regard for the post-independence period.


Trading on Malawians infatuation with thinness, corrupt and self-serving leaders have taken Malawi towards the path of self-annihilation without showing the slightest signs of shame. And, yet, the majority of the population still scrapes for the crumbs of the economic cake.


To move forward, Malawians must abandon their leader-worshipping tendencies. As British literati, Aldous Huxley (who studied English Literature at Oxford), aptly observed: “The attribution of personal characteristics to collectivities, to geographical expressions, to institutions, is a source, as we shall see, of endless confusions in political thought, of innumerable political mistakes and crimes. “


The danger with this line of thinking, warned Huxley, is that, “The personified and deified nation becomes, in the minds of the individuals, a kind of enlargement of themselves.”


But, sometimes, it is not the citizens who perpetuate this line of thinking; the leaders themselves do, mainly by pretending to speak for the nation through their utterances. In the end, naïve citizens fail to make the distinction between the leader’s own words, and the words produced by a nation through its constitutional provisions.


In which case, according to Huxley, “A nation, then, may be more than a mere abstraction, may possess some kind of real existence apart from its constituent members. But there is no reason to suppose that it is a person; indeed, there is every reason to suppose that it isn’t. Those who speak as though it were a person- and some go further than this and speak as though it were a personal god- do so because it is to their interest as egotists to make precisely this mistake. In the case of the ruling class these interests are in part material.”


Indeed, French jurist, Leon Duguit, suggested that the personification of the nation as a sacred being, different from and superior to its constituent members was merely “A way of imposing authority by making people believe it is an authority de jure and not merely de facto”.


Again, the problem, in the words of Huxley, is that, “By habitually talking of the nation as though it were a person with thoughts, feelings and a will of its own, the rulers of a country legitimise their own powers. Personification leads easily to deification; and where the nation is deified, its government ceases to be a mere convenience, like drains or a telephone system, and, partaking in the sacredness of the entity it represents, claims to give orders by divine right and demands the unquestioning obedience due to a god.”


In conclusion, the literati suggested that challenges like these can be overcome by upholding high moral standards in politics, but warns:”Politics can become moral only on one condition: that its problems shall be spoken of and thought about exclusively in terms of concrete reality; that is to say, of persons.”



Otherwise, it will continue not to make sense that, 50 years down the line, Malawians still grasp the very same wisp of dependency-pain the nationalists felt. It has been a 50-year-old journey to nowhere. May be the fate of a nation crested by images derived from wishful thinking.

REPORT BY JUSTICE MAXON MBENDERA SC, CHAIRMAN OF THE MALAWI ELECTORAL COMMISSION DURING THE SEVENTH NATIONAL ELECTIONS CONSULTATIVE FORUM (NECOF) MEETING

REPORT BY JUSTICE MAXON MBENDERA SC, CHAIRMAN OF THE MALAWI ELECTORAL COMMISSION DURING THE SEVENTH NATIONAL ELECTIONS CONSULTATIVE FORUM (NECOF) MEETING ON 4TH JULY, 2014, HOTEL VICTORIA, BLANTYRE




Fellow Commissioners;

Honourable Leaders of Political Parties;

Your Excellencies members of the Diplomatic Corps and Representatives of all
development partners;

Chief Elections Officer, your deputies and all members of staff of the Commission
Secretariat;

Paramount Chiefs;

The Chairperson for the Centre for Multi-Party Democracy (CMD);

Senior Government Officials;

Distinguished Members from the Civil Society Organisation;

Distinguished Members of the Press;

Ladies and Gentlemen.



Good Morning,

Welcome to Hotel Victoria,



We are meeting here today for the first time after the May 2014 Tripartite Elections. And before I go further in my report I should start by apologising to you all for the change in venue of the meeting.



It was earlier arranged that this meeting would take place at Crossroads Hotel in Lilongwe. However, due to other circumstances it had to be shifted to Blantyre. So we do not take it for granted for the fact that you have made it to this meeting. Our change was at short notice and for many of you it was not an easy task to accommodate the change in your tight schedules. Some have failed to come because of this change but for the fact that you have still made it, we are grateful and salute you for that.



Ladies and gentlemen, this is the first NECOF meeting after elections, allow me to congratulate all the candidates who emerged winners in the three elections. The fact that Malawians ushered them into office symbolises the trust in them and that they can deliver. I implore them to do their best not to betray that trust. It is our prayer that God will grant them wisdom to discharge their duties honestly and efficiently.



Also allow me to thank and congratulate all stakeholders for contributing to the success of the May 2014 elections. I thank all Civil Society Organisations that provided civic and voter education. There were many but allow me to single out National Initiative for Civic Education (NICE) Trust, Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) and Public Affairs Committee (PAC), Malwi Electoral Support Network (MESN) for the tremendous role they played.



Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me also to thank all political parties and candidates in particular for contributing to the sustenance of peace and stability of the country. We have had bloodless electoral process if we compare to past elections. Malawians in general deserve my, and the Commission's, heartfelt commendation and appreciation for maintaining peace and being disciplined.



I should also thank the Development Partners for contributing to the success of the elections through financial, material and technical support to MEC and the civil society organisations accredited by the Commission.



I will be failing in my duties if I do not commend the Police and the Malawi Defence Force (MDF) for providing security and logistical support during the elections period. In particular, the MDF provided us with trucks, fixed wing aircraft and helicopters which ferried staff and materials like ballot papers.


For the Government the timely provision of funds made it possible for the Commission to deliver the elections as required by the law. We wish to commend the spirit of working together.


I should also thank staff from the MEC secretariat for working tirelessly around the clock to ensure that the elections are success despite the elongated time that it took us to finish the task.



Today, we are presenting a final report of the elections. Our last meeting at this same place was on May 9, 2014 and this was during the campaign period. Since our reports to NECOF have been thematic, I will focus on the events from the last day of our meeting to this day we are meeting. My report, therefore, will focus on:

End of campaign;

Logistics and distribution of materials for polling;

Polling result counting, transmission and determination;

Complaints handling.


And Observation



End of Campaign
The official campaign was launched during the NECOF meeting held at Hotel Victoria on March 20, 2014. Official campaign commenced on 21 March 2014 and ended at 0600 hours on 18 May 2014.



During the campaign period the Commission was also conducting meetings with traditional leaders and their subjects across the country on the need for them to attend political rallies and violence-free campaign. The Commission combined this activity with campaign monitoring. MEC commissioners criss-crossed the country and I am glad to report, and you can agree, with me that the conduct of the campaign this year has been peaceful. With the exception of a few isolated cases , we did not generally have cases of violence and intimidation as we did in previous elections.



During the campaign period the Commission did its best to level the playing field for the contestants. The Commission requested political parties to produce three minute campaign jingles and purchased airtime on radio stations where the messages were aired.



The Commission also met with the Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) board twice after noticing that there was bias towards the incumbent leadership then. Through the discussions between the Commission and the MBC board coupled with political will, the nation witnessed a new kind of MBC. The station opened up to all the contestants.



At the Commission, we know there is need to reform the law governing MBC but another big factor is political will. MBC has opened up to all parties without change or amendment of law. We need to sustain the current scenario so that MBC continues to transform towards a true public broadcaster every one of us wants it to be.



I should thank all political leaders that participated in the presidential debates. The debates were a level platform for all candidates to sell themselves to the public. They also offered an opportunity for the electorate to know and compare the views of various candidates on topical issues. This contributed to building an informed citizenry. May, I, therefore, thank all the organisations that were involved in organising the debates led by MISA Malawi. In particular I should thank OSISA for providing funding and also National Democratic institute for technical support.



One challenge during campaign period was abuse of state resources. Presidential campaign rallies could not be distinguished from presidential functions. There should be legal reforms that will check abuses of state resources during campaign. Having a cabinet up to very close end of the campaign period provided a room for the executive to use state resources for campaign. May be there should be a law dissolving the cabinet before campaign period starts and that the incumbent should not hold development rallies after the launch of the campaign period.




Polling and vote counting
The Commission started distributing non-sensitive materials which included ballot booths and generators to the councils on May 5, 2014. Ballot papers were distributed to councils on 16 May 2014 from Kamuzu International Airport.


The Commission tried all its best but challenges were faced on the polling day that some centres either opened late or did not open at all because materials were not delivered in times. The Commission needed 1900 vehicles but was given 1,345 vehicles. Because of this some 43 out of the 4445 centres voted on 21st and 22nd May 2014 in Blantyre, Dedza and Lilongwe districts. In some of these centres polling was disturbed while in progress. The Commission had to print ballot papers to enable voters in these centres exercise their right.


I should also report that when we were deploying our staff for polling, some faced hostility and harassment especially in Lilongwe to an extent that the District Commissioner and the Chief Executive Officer resigned and a laptop was lost. The disturbances that occurred on May 20 also led to loss of property like some classrooms, election materials and tents were burnt.


To ensure that no bonafide registered voter was denied the right to vote, the Commission made available at every centre the Part As to help in identifying eligible voters. These were used as a back up just in case the name of a registered voter was missing in the voters roll.


Counting started with Local Government, then Parliamentary and finally Presidential elections. Counting was done per stream and then the results were aggregated for the polling station. In most polling stations, signed results sheets were given to monitors and another pasted at the centre.


There were some challenges in some centres that they did not have the results sheets and other materials. This was a distribution problem at the council level. However, where such problems were experienced the Commission immediately moved in to supply the materials. This was the same for ballot boxes where shortage was experienced.



Result transmission and management
The Commission with support from Development Partners contracted Globe Computers to provide a Result Management System. The system really worked on the day but challenges arose when presiding officers started bringing results with what the machine took as anomalies. The system was allowed to accept up to 800 voters per stream. We had some challenges that some presiding officers ignored the rule of 800 per stream and in some centres streams were combined and the voter population went beyond that and automatically the system could not allow for those results. The system could also not accept results with arithmetical errors.


The unbalanced figures gave a challenge for most Constituency Retuning Officers (CROs) to transmit their results to the National Tally Centre using the Results Management System. The Commission decided that all CROs should bring the results in person to the National Tally Centre in Blantyre for capturing into the system.


There were speculations that the system had been hacked and also that it had crashed. This was not so it is the factors that I have given that conspired to create the scenario we had.



At the national tally centre once the results were captured into the system they were shared with political parties for them to verify with their monitors.




Results Determination
The Commission was compelled at first to move the court to allow for recounting of the votes so that the results would be not doubted by everyone. This was after noticing anomalies that needed explanations in some 61 centres which were quarantined and also in others where the voter population in a constituency was close to the voter population for the district itself. The Commission investigated and re-examined the figures and it was found to be explainable using the polling centre result sheet. These results were corrected and formed part of the national vote count that was announced.


The Presidential results were announced on 30th May 2014 with the Parliamentary and Local Government Elections following on 2nd June, 2014.


The Commission still remembers the fears that were expressed by many stakeholders that tripartite elections were complex and many people would be confused resulting in many null and void votes. However, as you noted from the figures that there has been an improvement. The percentage of null and void votes has gone down from 2.54 in 2009 to 1.09 percent this year. This, as stakeholders we can all pat ourselves on the back.




Complaints Handling
The Commission established a complaints unit with funding from the UNDP managed basket fund for prompt legal advice and opinion to the Commission on all matters that required such a service.

Three local lawyers but headed by an international lawyer were recruited. During the last NECOF meeting details including phone numbers and email address were given on how to contact the unit. A press release was also put up in the media.


To date the unit has handled 360 complaints on various categories like campaign related, counting, arithmetical reconciliations, candidate bribing, interrupted polling, etc which were attended to.


From these 360 cases we only have 18 petitions in the court.



International and Local Observers
The Commission relaxed all rules to enable more eligible people to observe the elections. The Commission recruited four temporary staff to process accreditation IDs for observers and also engaged former Commissioner, Ambassador Ron Mkomba, as Commissioner at large to be the liaison point with observer missions.



A total of 1226 accreditations were made for media, local and international observers. Some observers have shared their reports with us, while others have not. If there is any organisation here that observed the elections, get the message that we need your report. Your observations and recommendations will help us improve for future elections.



Funding for Elections
Government and Development Partners agreed for an at least 60 per cent and up to 40 percent contribution respectively towards the budget for the elections. It is an open secret that the elections were conducted during a lean period where development partners had withdrawn their direct budgetary support to the country.



However, I should thank staff at the Treasury for prioritising elections budget. We appreciate the challenges the Treasury faced. But they tried within the limited resource envelope to support MEC.



I should thank once again the development partners because they did not stop their direct budgetary support to elections despite suspending direct support to the government.


There are several issues that have been raised regarding funding for the Commission, like funding for elections should look at elections as a cycle and not as an event. In some cases since the funding has to be accommodated in one fiscal year budget, it becomes a burden on the national budget. If the budget could be spread over several years, the burden cannot be felt.




Need for Law Reforms

These elections despite being unprecedented on the fact that they were tripartite, they also came with unique challenges.


For example, we had two resignations of running mates. Apparently, the law is silent on what happens when a running mate resigns or even dies before elections. This and many other sections of the law will require proper attention so that the lacuna is filled. For this to succeed, it is recommended that the reforms take place between now and May 2015 and not later than that.



During nomination period, we also had court cases regarding the candidatures of those individuals who were perceived to be public servants. There are some inconsistencies in the rulings by the High Court. While one ruling said university employees are public servants, other rulings said they are not. As a Commission, we need proper direction for future elections.



We already appealed to the Supreme Court of Appeal before elections but we stalled the process so that we could concentrate on managing elections. Now that elections are over, the Commission has instructed Counsel to retrieve the cases in the Supreme Court of Appeal.





By-Elections

There are two constituencies: Thyolo East and Blantyre North and five wards: Lisanjala in Machinga, Kandeu in Ntcheu, Lifupa in Kasungu, Mbalachanda in Mzimba and Zgeba in Karonga where elections have to be conducted. I should assure everyone that it is in the interest of the Commission to hold the by-elections as soon as practicable so that these areas also have representation in the appropriate spheres of government. We will announce the dates for the by-elections towards the end of this month once the calendar and budget have been finalised.




However, I should share some points that the Commission will open the registration centres so that those only who will have attained the age of 18 on the polling day to be announced should go and register. This means those who were not 18 years old on 20th May 2014. Those who already registered will be requested to go and verify their details in the voters’ register. No transfers will be entertained.



Also those wishing to contest will be required to collect nomination papers and fill them appropriately. Candidates of the postponed elections need not to go through this process. These ones will just need to affirm to us in writing on their intention to contest and if the other details remain unchanged.



Conclusion

Despite the challenges that we faced, the Commission identified solutions and concludes that the May 20 tripartite elections were conducted in a free and fair environment where all registered voters were given an opportunity to exercise their right. This view has been supported by various observer reports, the latest one being the final report by the European Union long term observer mission.



There were, of course, challenges on the polling day but we should look beyond May 20, 2014. The Commission did put in place measures to afford those who failed to vote on May 20 an opportunity the following two days to cast their ballots. In some centres voting was disrupted and the Commission had to re-print ballot papers within the country to enable people in the centres to vote.



With these few remarks, I should thank you all for your attention.

God bless you

Thank you very much

The Challenge With the State Presidency

Nothing prepares the victorious presidential candidate for the pressure that builds after the euphoria of electoral victory dies down. Numerous examples in Malawi’s 20 year democratic span bear witness of that.


May be the best way to gauge the abruptness of this change is to look at the tramp cards of former governing political parties on their way to Sanjika Palace in Blantyre and The New State House in Lilongwe.


The United Democratic Front (UDF), for a start, took the nation by storm when it promised the blue moon of Free Primary Education (FPE) in public primary schools.


But no sooner had the euphoria of victory in the June 1994 presidential election descended into reality than former president Bakili Muluzi realised that improving access to the national cake of education entailed more than firing the guards-of-fees who were manning the gates of public primary schools.


As it were, the gates to primary schools were, really, opened to the masses, culminating in the new wave of learners overwhelming the system when enrollment levels rose by over 50 percent, from 1.9 million pupils in 1993/4 academic year to about 3.2 million pupils in 1994/5 academic year.


It did not come as a surprise, therefore, when the ‘Policy and Investment Framework for Education in Malawi’ report later revealed that “The primary education system is beset with serious problems in areas of access, equity, quality and internal efficiency”.


Its damning conclusion was that the government would not be able to meet all the costs required to construct 38,000 classrooms to meet the needs of an expanded primary education.


And, yet, FPE is the horse Muluzi rode on on his way to The State House! Muluzi’s other trump card, Respect for Human Rights, worked so well for a while, too. Only to be thrown to the dogs at the twilight of his administration as The Young Democrats became vicious dogs set loose on opponents of the Open Term bid that later became Muluzi’s Third Term bid to no avail.
Dreams can easily wear off in politics!


Up pops Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) president, the late Bingu wa Mutharika. Although Mutharika stood on the UDF presidential ticket in the 2004 general elections, only to do what former Speaker of Parliament Sam Mpasu describes as “getting into government in order to form a political party; instead of forming a political party in order to get into the government” when he dumped it on February 5, 2004, he came up with his own tramp card: Revolutionising Muluzi’s Starter-Pack programme into the Farm Input Subsidy Programme (Fisp).


Mutharika, who had been touted as an economist of sorts by Muluzi, also promised grow the Malawi economy- something he did to perfection during his first five-year term when Malawi’s economy was reported to be slower only to the oil-rich Qatar in the world.


But his fortunes plummeted during his second term, a stint characterised by thawed relations with development partners, and an economy that was oscillating between the graveyard and the death bed. Under such circumstances, there is no better choice. Depleted foreign exchange reserves also meant fuel became as scarce as hope. Just in the nick of time, Malawi’s economy became an endangered species.


So, a man who rode on the horse of economic growth on his way to The State House found that the dream could no longer hold. As they say, the rest is history.


Then came Malawi’s most immediate former president, Joyce Banda. While Bingu’s horse had two names: Economic Growth and Food Security- nicknamed Fisp- and Muluzi’s horse also had two names, namely, FPE and Respect for Human Rights, Banda came with none.


No. Not none. She rode on the Horse of Death, becoming Malawi forth post-independence president after the death of Bingu on April 5, 2012. Not to be outdone, she introduced her horse; a horse of two names, too: Mudzi Transformation Trust and One Cow per Family initiative.


But, like those before her, she got carried away with excitement and succumbed to the ballot paper now turned political bullet on May 20 this year. She had become so big-headed that attending presidential aspirants’ debates was deemed a time-wasting for her.


And, yet, the houses she constructed and the cows she distributed to society’s less privileged members were her own Achilles heel as the rest of the nation watched in awe. It epitomised systematic failure at its best and, with it, Banda failed the Tripartite Elections Ballot Box test.


As consumer rights activist John Kapito observed in February this year, “President Joyce Banda has lost tough with herself, and people on the ground”.


Which brings us to the question: What is wrong with Malawi’s presidents? Is something wrong with their trump cards, or is there something wrong with their personality?




Lessons from history
However, while the nation eagerly looks forward to how Mutharika’s reign will pan out, there are lessons she can be drawn from history and the country’s past leaders.


One of the most valuable pieces of advice is that given by Greek biographer and philosopher Plutarch who, through his book ‘Parallel Lives’ suggests that the best way to gauge one’s success in life is to equate one’s leadership style to that of past leaders, especially those from other countries.


For instance, Plutarch paired Roman heroes with Greek statesmen and, often, he paired leaders who run parallel in both merits and the odds they faced in a bid to gauge how human beings react to different leadership challenges. In this case, Mutharika may pair himself with former president Muluzi, analyse where Muluzi failed, and see how he could have done better.
He can do so with Malawi’s other leaders, too, all the time remembering that he is his own person, with his own nature, either wild or tamed.


However, his greatest enemy should be recycled politicians. In the past, these politicians have hindered presidents such as Muluzi, Mutharika and Banda from sensing the signs of a malfunctioning economy, tumbling education system, a society ripped apart by HIV and Aids, and a host of other ills- most of which too long term to be solved within a five-year, or 10-year political span.


Otherwise, the recycled politicians will lie in waiting for him, their open arms turning into a mantrap as Mutharika’s political fortunes decline. When they run their full cycle with the new leader, they will drift either northward, southward, eastward or westward, wherever they see the promising eggs of political opportunities.


Take, for instance, the self-proclaimed Chenji Golo Uladi Mussa. He has been part of the UDF administration, DPP administration, and now PP administration. But, make no mistake about it, his constituents in Salima love him.


The good thing about Uladi is that he is an honest politician who has the audacity to call himself Chenji Golo (shift the goal posts). But the others, the more dangerous ones, lurk in the background, ready to pounce on the unsuspecting Mutharika.
Sometimes, the president knows what is going on, but sheer arrogance prompts them to welcome the roving politicians.


Then, there are businesspersons who care more about their businesses’ interests than the president’s reputation. But, while the political opportunist feels childlike excitement of crossing a political divide when they hop from one ruling-now-turned-opposition party to a new ruling party, the businesspersons fall with the fallen leader.


These are some of the little infidelities that threaten to riddle Mutharika’s administration. As time flies, Mutharika will find that people like Kapito- who has already asked the new president to consider abandoning Fisp for the many implementation challenges it faces- will be pulling in one direction, while others will be pulling in another direction, calling for the abolishment of quota system, or management of the Kwacha, among other things.


At the same time, Mutharika should realise that the President’s universe is a network of outer and internal constraints, and that only a sense of relaxed plenitude and the ancient force of belief that helped him excel in his teaching job in countries far and wide will help him escape the hurt of political stones thrown his way.

Let us just hope that Malawi’s politicians are not a root of the same tree because, as the
Chinese say, “The falling leaf returns to the roots of the tree"; meaning that, the beginning is always better than the end, and that it is good to die the time one is born.


This time around, let this saying prove inapplicable in Malawi for the first time since 1994!

After a Stint at State House

...Theatricals of presidents when their political power blacks out

There must be something terribly wrong with Malawian politicians for them to persistently take turns in acting outside the confines of the book of conventional politics.


Save for Malawi’s founding president, Ngwazi Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda- who conceded defeat to United Democratic Front (UDF)’s presidential candidate, Bakili Muluzi, even before the Malawi Electoral Commission (Mec) made the official announcement in June 1994- his successors have found it difficult to come to grips with reality, even when their opaque political curtain closes.
A good case in point is that of Muluzi and the most-immediate past president, Joyce Banda. We are not sure if former president, the late Bingu wa Mutharika- who died mid-way through his second five-year term in office on April 5, 2012- would have departed from the ‘unconventional’ script of Malawi politics had he lived beyond his constitutional terms of office.


Otherwise, the trend has been that, once elevated to the highest position in the land, the Head of State and Government ‘climbs out’ of themselves by shedding off the natural human being in them and becoming automated beings remote-controlled by the National Intelligence Bureau (NIB).


In their quest to get acquainted with their new elevated status, they associate themselves with the Who is Whos of this world, and lose touch with voters as they smash into the sky through globe-trotting.


Unsurprisingly, it always comes as a shock to them when, instead of climbing higher through the ballot paper and smashing more skies, they tumble to the ground.


Of course, that does not mean we have had a run of the worst leaders in the world. The truth is that we have had a conundrum of leaders who have been wonderful in their own ways. Some of them, like Muluzi, have been individuals of splendid wit. Some of them, like Joyce Banda, have been individuals of polished taste, courting them the comradeship of the international community. Even Bingu had his own hard sense of humour, too.


Just that, somehow, they all seemed to have a strange disdain for history’s lessons, and ended up repeating the mistakes committed by their predecessors.


Why, for example, did Muluzi depart from his splendid wit and wet sense of humour to become the go-getter who saw no sense in sticking to tenets of the Republican Constitution and fight, the high way, for an Open Term of Office and Third Term? How did he lose the courtship of development partners who came in droves to his dinner table after showing the Malawi Congress Party the Exit Door in 1994?


Why, it may be asked, did Bingu lose the plot to become the donor-chasing president Malawians ended up loathing? How did he lose control of the buttons that controlled the national economy and made it vibrant? Is it that simple to lose knowledge of economics obtained across the seas?


Why, we still wonder, did Joyce Banda abandon her courtesy and unconstitutionally nullify the May tripartite elections when her power spilled out of control? How did she become the hot-headed, over-confident leader we saw between 2013 and 2014? After starting so well by, among other things, stabilizing fuel supplies and mending relations with the United Kingdom, why did the ship run out of control?



Tried, tested hands
The truth is that these are not questions without answers.


The first answer is that, somehow, the leaders surround themselves with characters that are, for unexplained reasons, made to think in the likeness of the leader. And their thinking is mostly lopsided. If not people who think like them, the leaders surround themselves with people they like.


The result is that, this flattering world of politicians and yes bwanas join the conspiracy to shield and protect the country’s leadership from the truth. In almost all such cases, the aim of creating this impenetrable gate of protection is not to serve the public interest but, rather, their interest, often built upon the theory of political and business survival.


So it hits one as nothing strange that, in the end, a cordon of appeasers and boot-lickers vie with each other to keep the common knowledge of what is, really, the truth on the ground and in the public domain, from permeating the inner sanctum.


It is as if the political bootlickers are secretly conscious of the intrinsic inferiority of the national and political leadership and want to take advantage of that. That is why they make sure that the leader’s cooked-up popularity is continually propped up, and his chances of winning the popular vote exaggerated by those who benefit from the status quo. The aim is to create a situation where the leader will feel a sure-enough place in their polarised political sphere.


Finally, when the leader is booted out of power by the supposed simpletons, the voters, the discarded leader discovers that they were living in an artificial world. When they seek their advisors, they find that they have joined the new party in power. They also discover, to their disdain, that it is almost impossible to find any record that resembles the real situation on the ground and citizens’ real opinion of the leaders during their span in office.


Raw deal, the leader cries wolf at last. Yet the yes bwanas are not wholly to blame. The leaders themselves are to blame for their expertise in ‘discovering’ people who were so willing to get consecrated to one great purpose: Guarding the leader from the vicissitudes of the truth and ordinary life.


So, when the yes bwanas specialise in telling their boss what they (bosses) really want to hear, they are just fulfilling the tenets of their job. Who wouldn’t? These are political wannabes with the patience of a cat. They allow the leader to crank towards the truth, but seldom do they allow the leader to get to the real truth. The leaders themselves also forget that, when you are a leader, you don’t need to fear disappointing anyone.


Do you, for example, expect Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) spokesperson Nicholas Dausi (he hasn’t announced his resignation from the position of DPP spokesperson, by the way) to tell President Peter Mutharika the real truth in his capacity as Spy-in-Chief at NIB?


But, every so often, these are the important things national leaders forget when they allow themselves to ‘get out of themselves’ by stopping being the human beings we voted for due to their new-found ability of making things happen at the stroke of a pen.


It is like a foolish individual who, propped up by his own oversized pillow, believes that they have a gigantic stature beyond nature. But, if the truth be told, it is just the pillow exaggerating things.


But, may be the leaders are not to blame for exaggerating their importance. New York City (US)-born psychologist, William James, aptly observed in his essay, ‘On a Certain Blindness in Human Beings’ thus: “Now the blindness in human beings is the blindness with which we all are afflicted in regard to the feelings of creatures and people different from ourselves.


“…Each is bound to feel intensely the importance of his own duties and the significance of the situations that call these forth. But this feeling is in each of us a vital secret, for sympathy with which we vainly look to others...Hence the stupidity and injustice of our opinions, so far as they deal with the significance of alien lives. Hence the falsity of our judgements, so far as they presume to decide in an absolute way on the value of other persons’ conditions or ideals”.


A number of civil society leaders locally have warned against the tendency to treat our leaders as half-gods. For instance, Civic and Political Platform chairperson, Moses Mkandawire, told The Sunday Times in April that “our tendency to worship leaders is to blame for their arrogance. We must abandon the practice of yes bwana, yes bwana (Ture boss, true boss!)”.


Of course, former English Parliamentarian Thomas Babington Macaulay, in his analysis of political philosopher, Italian historian Niccolo Machiavelli’s thinking in the essay ‘Machiavelli’ observes that,” Every age and every nation has certain characteristic vices, which prevail almost universally, which scarcely any person scruples to avow, and which even rigid moralists but faintly censure.”


But Macaulay further observed that, “Succeeding generations change the fashion of their morals, with the fashion of their hats and their coaches; take some other kind of wickedness under their patronage, and wonder at the depravity of their ancestors. Nor is this all. Posterity, that high court of appeal which is never tired of eulogizing its own justice and discernment, acts on such occasions like a Roman dictator after a general mutiny.”


What this means is that we must change our fashion if we discover that some things have not worked in every generation. It, therefore, comes as a surprise that Malawian leaders don’t seem to learn from past mistakes and change. Instead, while immersed in their numerous fits of excitement, rages, and fits, they take the lonely journey into political oblivion.


Only to discover that, the yes bwanas’ humours were only giddy, but never long lasting!