Malawi's Professor Moses Chirambo, fired from cabinet last week, died at a South African clinic, about four days after President Bingu wa Mutharika relieved him from heading the Ministry of Health.
Death of Malawi's first ophthalmologist hit Malawians as they were trying to embrace new ministers sworn in on Wednesday. Mutharika himself said, at Sanjika Palace, no one was a 'life minister'.
"We are just waiting for the funeral programme. First there must be a post mortem to determine what he died of," his son, Masuzgo, told Africanews Sunday from the family home in Area 10.
Unconfirmed reports indicate he died from an anaesthetist related cardiac complication while undergoing Prostate removal surgery.
He comes from the Northern Region of Malawi in Rumphi District.
Government announced Mutharika had sent his heartfelt condolences to the family through the public Malawi Broadcasting Corporation.
Prof. Chirambo retired from active Ophthalmology in 2008 when he was appointed Minister of Health after joining politics to win as a Member of Parliament in his home area.
"In 1983 , he established the Southern Africa Development corporation (SADC) school of Ophthalmology in Lilongwe, Malawi supported by Sight Savers International; this school has trained over 500 clinical officers and cataract surgeons (midlevel eye personnel) from all over SADC countries and beyond ; and now several countries including Botswana, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Zambia have started their own training programmes," writes Dr. Khumbo Kalua, a medical practitioner, in his blog.
In 1995, Chirambo got an International ward from the American Academy and IAPB for his fight in blindness; and continued to get several awards.
Kalua adds that Chirambo was Regional Advisor for Sight Savers International for a long time. Between 1983 and 1987, Dr Chirambo, Professor Johnson Gordon and many other colleagues conducted the first population based childhood blindness survey on vitamin A & Xerophthalmia studies in Africa.
For those who knew Chirambo, he will be missed by many.
"Professor Chirambo was a great achiever in Public Health Ophthalmology & Epidemiology," add Kalua.
The late Prof. Chirambo was fired alongside Ministers of Local Government and Rural Development Goodall Gondwe, Women Child and Community Development Patricia Kaliati, and Development and Infastructure Khumbo Kachali.
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Wednesday, August 18, 2010
Malawi opens 8,500 measles centres
Malawi established more than 8,500 centres across the country to carry out measles vaccination. The country was hit by a measles outbreak that killed hundreds. Minister of Health, Professor David Mphande said this year's mass immunisation campaign aims at vaccinating children missed out at birth. The campaign is taking place a year earlier due to an early outbreak.
Mphande told journalists in the capital city Lilongwe that the ministry had also put out mobile clinics to beef up vaccination in remote areas and as a compliment to the established health facilities.
"With an average of eight percent missing rate after birth, the pool gradually grows and these are people at risk," also said World Health Organisation's (WHO) country representative to Malawi, Felicitas Zawaira.
She added, normally, such people would be covered through campaigns.
The preventive health department earlier announced there would be no danger in children up to the age of 15 vaccinating more than once and that the ministry would not force anyone to get vaccination.
However, a number of Apostolic faithful, including a bishop, have been arrested and tried in court for barring their faithfuls from accessing vaccination. A number of children that died came from such religious groups.
The media has also been asked to send out 'rightful information' to the public on the pandemic.
Mphande told journalists in the capital city Lilongwe that the ministry had also put out mobile clinics to beef up vaccination in remote areas and as a compliment to the established health facilities.
"With an average of eight percent missing rate after birth, the pool gradually grows and these are people at risk," also said World Health Organisation's (WHO) country representative to Malawi, Felicitas Zawaira.
She added, normally, such people would be covered through campaigns.
The preventive health department earlier announced there would be no danger in children up to the age of 15 vaccinating more than once and that the ministry would not force anyone to get vaccination.
However, a number of Apostolic faithful, including a bishop, have been arrested and tried in court for barring their faithfuls from accessing vaccination. A number of children that died came from such religious groups.
The media has also been asked to send out 'rightful information' to the public on the pandemic.
Zimbabwe minister threatens press with jail over leaks
New York, August 13, 2010—A Zimbabwean minister who threatened to jail journalists should retract his statement and honor an agreement to implement media reform, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today. Information Minister Webster Shamu made the threat on August 4 against journalists who used information he said had been leaked from cabinet meetings.
Shamu said that journalists and ministers could face jail sentences of up to 20 years under the 1970 Official Secrets Act for using confidential information from cabinet proceedings to “further their political agendas”, according to news reports. The legislation, which dates back to the Republic of Rhodesia, prohibits government employees from disclosing official information to the public that the state considers “prejudicial” to the safety or interest of Zimbabwe.
Shamu issued the threat after a cabinet meeting in which ministers traded accusations over information leaks to the press, according to local journalists. One of the latest leaks was a cabinet agreement to stop the state-run Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation from playing pro-ZANU-PF songs every half hour. Shamu was reportedly planning a new series of pro-ZANU-PF songs for the country’s state-controlled TV and radio stations, according to local reports.
“Instead of implementing media reforms pledged since 2008 under the Global Political Agreement, Zimbabwe’s ZANU-PF-led coalition government is reviving an outdated, repressive law to criminalize independent reporting,” said CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita. “We call on the information minister to retract his statement, and move to make media reforms a reality.”
A coalition government between the former ruling ZANU-PF party and two opposition parties, MDC-M and MDC-T (the two split in 2005), was formed in January 2009 after a disputed March 2008 election in which CPJ documented a spike in journalist arrests.
Shamu said that journalists and ministers could face jail sentences of up to 20 years under the 1970 Official Secrets Act for using confidential information from cabinet proceedings to “further their political agendas”, according to news reports. The legislation, which dates back to the Republic of Rhodesia, prohibits government employees from disclosing official information to the public that the state considers “prejudicial” to the safety or interest of Zimbabwe.
Shamu issued the threat after a cabinet meeting in which ministers traded accusations over information leaks to the press, according to local journalists. One of the latest leaks was a cabinet agreement to stop the state-run Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation from playing pro-ZANU-PF songs every half hour. Shamu was reportedly planning a new series of pro-ZANU-PF songs for the country’s state-controlled TV and radio stations, according to local reports.
“Instead of implementing media reforms pledged since 2008 under the Global Political Agreement, Zimbabwe’s ZANU-PF-led coalition government is reviving an outdated, repressive law to criminalize independent reporting,” said CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita. “We call on the information minister to retract his statement, and move to make media reforms a reality.”
A coalition government between the former ruling ZANU-PF party and two opposition parties, MDC-M and MDC-T (the two split in 2005), was formed in January 2009 after a disputed March 2008 election in which CPJ documented a spike in journalist arrests.
CPJ: Puntland editor jailed after airing rebel leader interview
New York, August 16, 2010—The Committee to Protect Journalists calls on authorities in the semi-autonomous region of Puntland to immediately release jailed radio journalist Abdifatah Jama, who was sentenced on Saturday to six years in prison on charges related to an interview with Islamic rebel leader Sheikh Mohamed Said Atom.
CPJ said court proceedings against Jama, deputy director of the privately owned Horseed FM, violated basic standards of fairness. The court issued its ruling just a day after Jama’s arrest, closed the proceedings to the public, and denied Jama access to a lawyer, the journalist’s supervisor, Mahad M. Ahmed, told CPJ. Horseed plans to appeal the court ruling, Ahmed said. CPJ called on Puntland court officials to free Jama pending appeal and to overturn Saturday’s summary ruling.
Armed police stormed the station in the port city Bossasso on Friday evening, arresting Jama and seven other staff members, according to local journalists. The other staff members were soon released, but Jama was convicted and sentenced the next day under Puntland’s anti-terror law.
The interview with Atom, which was conducted by another Horseed journalist, was aired earlier on Friday. The interviewer asked a series of critical and challenging questions of Atom, and the report provided political context, according to Ahmed, the station’s executive director, and another, independent CPJ source.
The anti-terror law, passed by parliament on July 20, is itself unclear. In an interview with CPJ, Ahmed said the contents of the law have yet to be disclosed to the public.
“Puntland authorities are cracking down on independent coverage of the conflict in their region, and Abdifatah Jama has been unjustly caught up in this repression,” said CPJ’s East Africa Consultant Tom Rhodes. “Puntland authorities should immediately release Jama, whose treatment was patently unfair, and end their obstruction of independent news coverage.”
Judge Farah Hassan issued a stiffer sentence than that recommended by prosecutor Mohamud Mohamed, who had sought a three-year term, the National Union of Somali Journalists reported. Police transferred Jama to the Bossasso Detention Center on Sunday.
Puntland Information Minister Abdihakin Ahmed told journalists at a press conference on Sunday that Jama was “lucky” to receive a six-year sentence since the maximum sentence under the new anti-terror law is 20 years. The minister ordered journalists not to interview rebel forces under Sheikh Mohamed Said Atom, and said they would face “severe punishment” if they did, the union reported.
Since 2005, Sheikh Mohamed Said Atom has controlled a small area of Galgala, about 45 kilometers (30 miles) south of Bossasso with an armed militia. In May, Atom declared the area he controls an Islamic state and escalating battles ensued between the warring parties, local journalists told CPJ. On Friday, the same day Horseed interviewed the militia commander, Atom’s forces attacked Puntland troops in the Galgala region, killing five soldiers.
Puntland authorities have been clamping down on independent coverage of the regional conflict in recent weeks. On August 10, the information minister issued a letter indefinitely suspending VOA and Universal TV reporter Nuh Muse from working in Puntland, local journalists told CPJ. No explanation was given for the suspension, but CPJ sources said the government believed Muse had been arranging interviews with civilians caught in the conflict.
CPJ said court proceedings against Jama, deputy director of the privately owned Horseed FM, violated basic standards of fairness. The court issued its ruling just a day after Jama’s arrest, closed the proceedings to the public, and denied Jama access to a lawyer, the journalist’s supervisor, Mahad M. Ahmed, told CPJ. Horseed plans to appeal the court ruling, Ahmed said. CPJ called on Puntland court officials to free Jama pending appeal and to overturn Saturday’s summary ruling.
Armed police stormed the station in the port city Bossasso on Friday evening, arresting Jama and seven other staff members, according to local journalists. The other staff members were soon released, but Jama was convicted and sentenced the next day under Puntland’s anti-terror law.
The interview with Atom, which was conducted by another Horseed journalist, was aired earlier on Friday. The interviewer asked a series of critical and challenging questions of Atom, and the report provided political context, according to Ahmed, the station’s executive director, and another, independent CPJ source.
The anti-terror law, passed by parliament on July 20, is itself unclear. In an interview with CPJ, Ahmed said the contents of the law have yet to be disclosed to the public.
“Puntland authorities are cracking down on independent coverage of the conflict in their region, and Abdifatah Jama has been unjustly caught up in this repression,” said CPJ’s East Africa Consultant Tom Rhodes. “Puntland authorities should immediately release Jama, whose treatment was patently unfair, and end their obstruction of independent news coverage.”
Judge Farah Hassan issued a stiffer sentence than that recommended by prosecutor Mohamud Mohamed, who had sought a three-year term, the National Union of Somali Journalists reported. Police transferred Jama to the Bossasso Detention Center on Sunday.
Puntland Information Minister Abdihakin Ahmed told journalists at a press conference on Sunday that Jama was “lucky” to receive a six-year sentence since the maximum sentence under the new anti-terror law is 20 years. The minister ordered journalists not to interview rebel forces under Sheikh Mohamed Said Atom, and said they would face “severe punishment” if they did, the union reported.
Since 2005, Sheikh Mohamed Said Atom has controlled a small area of Galgala, about 45 kilometers (30 miles) south of Bossasso with an armed militia. In May, Atom declared the area he controls an Islamic state and escalating battles ensued between the warring parties, local journalists told CPJ. On Friday, the same day Horseed interviewed the militia commander, Atom’s forces attacked Puntland troops in the Galgala region, killing five soldiers.
Puntland authorities have been clamping down on independent coverage of the regional conflict in recent weeks. On August 10, the information minister issued a letter indefinitely suspending VOA and Universal TV reporter Nuh Muse from working in Puntland, local journalists told CPJ. No explanation was given for the suspension, but CPJ sources said the government believed Muse had been arranging interviews with civilians caught in the conflict.
Malawi: G-Mobile in US$25 m network roll out
Troubled G-Mobile, a mobile telecommunications company that intends to become Malawi's third, has announced it is rolling out a US$25 million network before the end of the year. The company was last month ordered to pay millions after it failed to roll out on time.
Chief Executive Officer, Peter Davies, in the commercial city of Blantyre he company is expected to invest more than US$150 million in the coming three years.
"We will be up and running before the end of this year. We mean to be the network of choice," he said, adding G-Mobile is earmarking a workforce of 60 in its first year, outsourcing most of its activities.
Davies challenged G-Mobile will establish a high quality service to distinguish it from its competitors. Two other mobile telecommunications companies, Zain Malawi, to fully rebrand to new owner Barti Airtel, and Tnm are in operation in Malawi.
"To date in Malawi, an array of factors, including logistical difficulties, has created a high rate of dropped calls and other service issues with established operators. G Mobile’s ethos is to raise the quality of services seen in the market while at the same time maintaining competitive pricing,” he explained, adding fair competition will help bring down call costs on the marketplace.
He said his company is looking forward to effectively competing with current market players to bring down the cost of making calls in Malawi.
The G-Mobile boss added Malawi has a relatively low penetration of cellular phones compared to other countries, and has one of the highest cost of calls in the world.
"This is a great opportunity for G-Mobile to make a significant difference to Malawi business and its citizens, assisting with socio economic development across the country,” he told the press.
Early this year, the company engaged Telkom Management Services of South Africa to plan and implement the network rollout, and later engaged ZTE to supply equipment.
Weiss+ Appetito will supply the company's environmental infrastructure.
G-Mobile is currently discussing with the Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority (MACRA) on reducing a penalty fee of US$6.9 million it was charged for failing to roll out on time.
The regulatory body imposed the penalty on May 20 and gave G Mobile who had been granted the country's third telecommunications licence as a cell phone operator 30 days to pay up.
G-Mobile Phone Company was given until March 20 to roll out its network or have its licence revoked. The company failed even after Macra extended the duration to April 12.
G Mobile Phone Company challenged the issue in the High Court in the northern region Mzuzu city where they were granted an injunction restraining Macra from penalising them them and also give leave for judicial review.
According to court documents, High court judge Lovemore Chikopa on July 12, heard the arguments for and against the grant of leave and the continuation of the injunction from both G Mobile and Macra lawyers.
While ruling that leave for judicial review and the injunction should be maintained, Chikopa said his ruling that G Mobile sought an extension of time in which to roll out its network and further claimed that Macra agreed to extend the deadline on condition that G Mobile paid a penalty in the sum of $6.950, 000 by June 19, 2010.
Chikopa said Macra argued against both the grant of leave and injunction saying there are no issues between them and G Mobile as the decision complained of is contained in a privileged communication that should not be even before the court.
Chief Executive Officer, Peter Davies, in the commercial city of Blantyre he company is expected to invest more than US$150 million in the coming three years.
"We will be up and running before the end of this year. We mean to be the network of choice," he said, adding G-Mobile is earmarking a workforce of 60 in its first year, outsourcing most of its activities.
Davies challenged G-Mobile will establish a high quality service to distinguish it from its competitors. Two other mobile telecommunications companies, Zain Malawi, to fully rebrand to new owner Barti Airtel, and Tnm are in operation in Malawi.
"To date in Malawi, an array of factors, including logistical difficulties, has created a high rate of dropped calls and other service issues with established operators. G Mobile’s ethos is to raise the quality of services seen in the market while at the same time maintaining competitive pricing,” he explained, adding fair competition will help bring down call costs on the marketplace.
He said his company is looking forward to effectively competing with current market players to bring down the cost of making calls in Malawi.
The G-Mobile boss added Malawi has a relatively low penetration of cellular phones compared to other countries, and has one of the highest cost of calls in the world.
"This is a great opportunity for G-Mobile to make a significant difference to Malawi business and its citizens, assisting with socio economic development across the country,” he told the press.
Early this year, the company engaged Telkom Management Services of South Africa to plan and implement the network rollout, and later engaged ZTE to supply equipment.
Weiss+ Appetito will supply the company's environmental infrastructure.
G-Mobile is currently discussing with the Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority (MACRA) on reducing a penalty fee of US$6.9 million it was charged for failing to roll out on time.
The regulatory body imposed the penalty on May 20 and gave G Mobile who had been granted the country's third telecommunications licence as a cell phone operator 30 days to pay up.
G-Mobile Phone Company was given until March 20 to roll out its network or have its licence revoked. The company failed even after Macra extended the duration to April 12.
G Mobile Phone Company challenged the issue in the High Court in the northern region Mzuzu city where they were granted an injunction restraining Macra from penalising them them and also give leave for judicial review.
According to court documents, High court judge Lovemore Chikopa on July 12, heard the arguments for and against the grant of leave and the continuation of the injunction from both G Mobile and Macra lawyers.
While ruling that leave for judicial review and the injunction should be maintained, Chikopa said his ruling that G Mobile sought an extension of time in which to roll out its network and further claimed that Macra agreed to extend the deadline on condition that G Mobile paid a penalty in the sum of $6.950, 000 by June 19, 2010.
Chikopa said Macra argued against both the grant of leave and injunction saying there are no issues between them and G Mobile as the decision complained of is contained in a privileged communication that should not be even before the court.
Kinnah Phiri is not a good coach; the guy just has stone-hard luck
Kinnah Phiri, the so called 'magic' coach for Malawi, is a miserable coach. I have always doubted his credentials. The guy just happens to bump into luck each time.
But he has nothing tactical about football in his big head.
Look at the way he makes scathing remarks about his own players in the press. Joseph Kamwendo, I must say, is my man- the epitome of skill and talent. Of course Fische Kondowe has no skill, the guy is just a useless hard worker. Not with Kamwendo! The marvelous player- one of the best Malawi has ever had.
And Kinnah wants to chase that kid. The problem with Kinnah is that he wants to promote his cousins in the national team. Did you know that there is a man called Saliwa Munthali, a cousin to Kinnah, who plays in the same position as Kamwendo? Kinnah wants this guy in (into the national team) at the expense of Kamwendo.
It is utter-most nonsense.
Yesterday, I had the opportunity to talk to Kinnah, at 12:46p.m, at Chitawira Shopping Centre (As I ate some Chimtuwi). Kinnah bought some sausages and a copy of the Guardian Newspaper (I mean our own Bakali Maulidi edited Guardian) and was heading out when I bumped into him.
I have interacted with him before, but only when he has a complaint to make against some Football Association of Malawi officials- more often when he feels that they are sabotaging him.
But this time, it was me complaining to him.
Kinnah Phiri, the so-called best Malawian (local) coach to date was brunt when I asked him about Joseph 'Shakira' Kamwendo. He said:
"The boy is big-headed. Let him resign, we have a lot of players of his calibre. After all, two months will not pass before he changes his mind and comes back into the Flames side. It has happened with Esau Kanyenda. Let the kid (Kamwendo) go and rest as he says."
I was disappointed. That's when I told him he was a 'rotary' coach, that everything that has happened was by chance, that he has o tactics and that he is, in truth, a failure.
He got angry, rushed to his vehicle and drove away. Of course he called me that evening and said I did not handle the issue well.
But I know, deep down, the way he cruised from Chitawira Shopping Centre, running away from me in anger, is the way he will appear when we, Malawians, will chase him from our national side.
Being a little bit too dark does not make a coach too local.
I rest my case.
It is my way of rushing out of a place, like did Kinnah, of course. Kinnah Phiri, you are a useless coach. I want my Kamwendo back.
But he has nothing tactical about football in his big head.
Look at the way he makes scathing remarks about his own players in the press. Joseph Kamwendo, I must say, is my man- the epitome of skill and talent. Of course Fische Kondowe has no skill, the guy is just a useless hard worker. Not with Kamwendo! The marvelous player- one of the best Malawi has ever had.
And Kinnah wants to chase that kid. The problem with Kinnah is that he wants to promote his cousins in the national team. Did you know that there is a man called Saliwa Munthali, a cousin to Kinnah, who plays in the same position as Kamwendo? Kinnah wants this guy in (into the national team) at the expense of Kamwendo.
It is utter-most nonsense.
Yesterday, I had the opportunity to talk to Kinnah, at 12:46p.m, at Chitawira Shopping Centre (As I ate some Chimtuwi). Kinnah bought some sausages and a copy of the Guardian Newspaper (I mean our own Bakali Maulidi edited Guardian) and was heading out when I bumped into him.
I have interacted with him before, but only when he has a complaint to make against some Football Association of Malawi officials- more often when he feels that they are sabotaging him.
But this time, it was me complaining to him.
Kinnah Phiri, the so-called best Malawian (local) coach to date was brunt when I asked him about Joseph 'Shakira' Kamwendo. He said:
"The boy is big-headed. Let him resign, we have a lot of players of his calibre. After all, two months will not pass before he changes his mind and comes back into the Flames side. It has happened with Esau Kanyenda. Let the kid (Kamwendo) go and rest as he says."
I was disappointed. That's when I told him he was a 'rotary' coach, that everything that has happened was by chance, that he has o tactics and that he is, in truth, a failure.
He got angry, rushed to his vehicle and drove away. Of course he called me that evening and said I did not handle the issue well.
But I know, deep down, the way he cruised from Chitawira Shopping Centre, running away from me in anger, is the way he will appear when we, Malawians, will chase him from our national side.
Being a little bit too dark does not make a coach too local.
I rest my case.
It is my way of rushing out of a place, like did Kinnah, of course. Kinnah Phiri, you are a useless coach. I want my Kamwendo back.
In South Africa, a new struggle for press freedom
By Jackie Bischof/CPJ Guest Blogger
President Zuma in parliament. (AP/Nic Bothma)
The South African media is facing its fiercest battle yet with the country's ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), over the boundaries of freedom of expression in the 16-year-old democracy. On August 8, 37 senior members of the media issued a declaration decrying recent moves on the part of the ANC to potentially restrict the media's ability to report freely. The Auckland Park Declaration was published shortly after a war of words erupted over a media tribunal proposed by the party.
The "Media Appeals Tribunal" came to light in a recently published working document prepared for the ANC's National General Council meeting next month. Designed to "strengthen, complement and support the current self-regulatory institutions (Press Ombudsman/Press Council) in the public interest," the tribunal is envisioned as a "statutory independent institution, established through an open, public and transparent process, and be made accountable to parliament."
The decision to look into a tribunal was first made at the party's National Conference in 2007 and quickly died amid criticism. Its reprisal as an idea for debate has come at a worrying time. Members of the media, civil society and media activist organizations are already protesting legislation that could potentially place restrictions on reporting. Of particular concern is the Protection of Information Bill, currently being considered by South Africa's parliament. The bill very broadly defines notions of national security, and does not set aside an exemption for the reporting of classified information in the public interest. Particularly at risk is the quality of investigative reporting, which has a long and vibrant tradition in South Africa--a tradition that the ANC says it fought for and respects.
"We vigorously oppose the restrictive clauses in the Protection of Information Bill and the proposed media appeals tribunal," reads the declaration by South Africa's leading editors. "We appeal to the South African government and the ruling ANC to abide by the founding principles of our democracy, and to abandon these proposed measures."
In addition to the proposed tribunal, the ANC's working document on the media also discusses concerns over a lack of transformation, as well as the lack of diversity in ownership in the media industry. Although journalists agree that these are important and valid concerns, the proposed tribunal has become a major sticking point between the two parties, and is seen by some journalists as illustrative of a growing intolerance towards the media.
The ANC contends that the current system of self-regulation (overseen by the Press Council of South Africa and its press ombudsman) is ineffective, takes too long to issue rulings, and requires great expense if the complainant wishes to go to court. This leaves lower-income citizens few opportunities to pursue damages for defamation or other reporting ills. The ANC has called the ombudsman "toothless" in its inability to issue punitive rulings that will deter irresponsible reporting.
But journalists are unsure as to why the ANC is not looking into improving the capacity of the Press Council; instead suggesting a new tribunal to "complement" the work of the ombudsman. Although they say that such a tribunal would be independent of government and free from political control, the proposed tribunal would have to answer to South Africa's parliament, whose members are overwhelmingly from the ruling party.
"It is a big leap from acknowledging [the media's] issues and problems as important for discussion and debate, to saying the right solution is a statutory tribunal," said academic and veteran investigative journalist Anton Harber at a recent panel discussion hosted by the country's weekly investigative paper, the Mail & Guardian. "The central point," says Harber, "is that you can't say 'I support media freedom and I believe that we should give statutory power to a government to determine what journalists may or may not say. ... These are fundamentally contradictory positions."
The tribunal and legislation impacting on freedom of information is "making impossible what should be a very necessary dialogue" on improving the media, said Ferial Haffajee, the editor of City Press. Haffajee is requesting that the tribunal be "taken off the table" and that the Protection of Information Bill be slimmed down before dialogue on the media can begin.
The tribunal has received support from several members of the ANC, including President Jacob Zuma who wrote in a letter for the party's online newsletter that "[the ANC has] a responsibility to democratize every aspect of South African society including the media. It is our historical duty." This stance, in addition to the comments of controversial ANC Youth League president Julius Malema who describes the media as thinking they are "untouchable," makes it hard to imagine how a constructive debate over improving South Africa's media without undue political interference can take place. Nevertheless, to at least one ANC leader, the consequences of going too far appeared to be clear: "That the media should be fought, destroyed, that would be unconstitutional. That would be running against any value that Mandela stands for, that I stand for," ANC official Tokyo Sexwale told the Sunday Times.
Jackie Bischof is a freelance writer based in Johannesburg, South Africa and writes on the South African media for journalism.co.za.
President Zuma in parliament. (AP/Nic Bothma)
The South African media is facing its fiercest battle yet with the country's ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), over the boundaries of freedom of expression in the 16-year-old democracy. On August 8, 37 senior members of the media issued a declaration decrying recent moves on the part of the ANC to potentially restrict the media's ability to report freely. The Auckland Park Declaration was published shortly after a war of words erupted over a media tribunal proposed by the party.
The "Media Appeals Tribunal" came to light in a recently published working document prepared for the ANC's National General Council meeting next month. Designed to "strengthen, complement and support the current self-regulatory institutions (Press Ombudsman/Press Council) in the public interest," the tribunal is envisioned as a "statutory independent institution, established through an open, public and transparent process, and be made accountable to parliament."
The decision to look into a tribunal was first made at the party's National Conference in 2007 and quickly died amid criticism. Its reprisal as an idea for debate has come at a worrying time. Members of the media, civil society and media activist organizations are already protesting legislation that could potentially place restrictions on reporting. Of particular concern is the Protection of Information Bill, currently being considered by South Africa's parliament. The bill very broadly defines notions of national security, and does not set aside an exemption for the reporting of classified information in the public interest. Particularly at risk is the quality of investigative reporting, which has a long and vibrant tradition in South Africa--a tradition that the ANC says it fought for and respects.
"We vigorously oppose the restrictive clauses in the Protection of Information Bill and the proposed media appeals tribunal," reads the declaration by South Africa's leading editors. "We appeal to the South African government and the ruling ANC to abide by the founding principles of our democracy, and to abandon these proposed measures."
In addition to the proposed tribunal, the ANC's working document on the media also discusses concerns over a lack of transformation, as well as the lack of diversity in ownership in the media industry. Although journalists agree that these are important and valid concerns, the proposed tribunal has become a major sticking point between the two parties, and is seen by some journalists as illustrative of a growing intolerance towards the media.
The ANC contends that the current system of self-regulation (overseen by the Press Council of South Africa and its press ombudsman) is ineffective, takes too long to issue rulings, and requires great expense if the complainant wishes to go to court. This leaves lower-income citizens few opportunities to pursue damages for defamation or other reporting ills. The ANC has called the ombudsman "toothless" in its inability to issue punitive rulings that will deter irresponsible reporting.
But journalists are unsure as to why the ANC is not looking into improving the capacity of the Press Council; instead suggesting a new tribunal to "complement" the work of the ombudsman. Although they say that such a tribunal would be independent of government and free from political control, the proposed tribunal would have to answer to South Africa's parliament, whose members are overwhelmingly from the ruling party.
"It is a big leap from acknowledging [the media's] issues and problems as important for discussion and debate, to saying the right solution is a statutory tribunal," said academic and veteran investigative journalist Anton Harber at a recent panel discussion hosted by the country's weekly investigative paper, the Mail & Guardian. "The central point," says Harber, "is that you can't say 'I support media freedom and I believe that we should give statutory power to a government to determine what journalists may or may not say. ... These are fundamentally contradictory positions."
The tribunal and legislation impacting on freedom of information is "making impossible what should be a very necessary dialogue" on improving the media, said Ferial Haffajee, the editor of City Press. Haffajee is requesting that the tribunal be "taken off the table" and that the Protection of Information Bill be slimmed down before dialogue on the media can begin.
The tribunal has received support from several members of the ANC, including President Jacob Zuma who wrote in a letter for the party's online newsletter that "[the ANC has] a responsibility to democratize every aspect of South African society including the media. It is our historical duty." This stance, in addition to the comments of controversial ANC Youth League president Julius Malema who describes the media as thinking they are "untouchable," makes it hard to imagine how a constructive debate over improving South Africa's media without undue political interference can take place. Nevertheless, to at least one ANC leader, the consequences of going too far appeared to be clear: "That the media should be fought, destroyed, that would be unconstitutional. That would be running against any value that Mandela stands for, that I stand for," ANC official Tokyo Sexwale told the Sunday Times.
Jackie Bischof is a freelance writer based in Johannesburg, South Africa and writes on the South African media for journalism.co.za.
Why some British idiots oppose the Pope's State Visit to Britain
Pope Benedict preaches intolerance & rejects key human rights
Even most Catholics oppose many of his teachings
London - 13 August 2010
Human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell, who is also a spokesperson for the Protest the Pope campaign, spoke at a public meeting in Richmond, London, last night.
In his speech, he set out many of the reasons why the majority of the British people disagree with the Pope on key moral, social and human rights issues.
Text of Peter Tatchell's speech at the Protest the Pope public meeting at the Old Town Hall, Richmond, on 12 August 2010:
Pope Benedict comes to Britain next month. As democrats, we believe he has every right to come here and express his opinions. But we also have a right to protest against his often harsh, extreme views. We have a right to say that he is not welcome.
The Protest the Pope campaign is calling on the British government to disassociate itself from the Pope's intolerant teachings on issues such as women's rights, gay equality and the use of condoms to prevent the spread of HIV. On these and many other issues, Benedict is out of step with the majority of British people, including most Catholics.
We also object to his visit being funded by the taxpayer. Much of his itinerary involves religious and spiritual events. It is not appropriate that these are paid for by the public. After all, we don't fund visits by the Grand Mufti of Mecca or the Chief Rabbi of Jerusalem.
On so many important social issues, the Pope rejects human rights.
Pope Benedict opposes women's ordination. Women are deemed unfit to preach the gospel. This is an insult to the whole female sex. The implication of the Pope's teaching is that women have no moral capability or capacity for spiritual leadership. This is pure patriarchy, sexism and misogyny.
The Pope says artificial contraception is a sin. He condemns poor parents to having large families that they can't care for adequately. In some countries, priests spread the lie that contraception makes women sick.
Pope Benedict opposes IVF fertility treatment, to give childless couples the chance of parenthood. This is odd. The Catholic Church says having children is God's will but denies this option of parenthood to infertile couples.
The Pope rejects potentially life-saving embryonic stem cell research, which could help find cures for terrible illnesses like motor neurone disease - saving lives and improving people's quality of life. Surely this research is fulfilling Christian values and ideals?
Benedict XVI has denounced the use of condoms, even to stop the spread of HIV. He has also claimed that condom usage may "increase" the rate of HIV infection. His dishonest teachings discourage a proven way to reduce HIV transmission; thereby putting millions of lives at risk.
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/lancet-says-pope-distorting-condom-facts-1655647.html
The Pope has colluded with the Vatican's promotion of the lie that condoms spread HIV because latex is porous to the virus (sic). This is an outrageous falsehood and has been condemned as untrue and irresponsible by scientists and medical professionals.
In 1992, When he was Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, he authored a Vatican document that condemned homosexuality as an "objective disorder" and a "strong tendency ordered towards an intrinsic moral evil." Rejecting the concept of gay human rights, the document asserted that there is no "right" to laws protecting homosexual people against discrimination, suggesting that the civil liberties of lesbians and gay men can be "legitimately limited for objectively disordered external conduct."
http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Some+considerations+concerning+the+Catholic+response+to+legislative...-a0128671084
The Pope has attacked same-sex marriages as "evil" and vilified supporters of gay equality as "gravely immoral." He has also denounced homosexual equality as a "deviant trend" and condemned same-sex love as being "without any social value." He even threatened to excommunicate Catholic legislators who voted for gay rights laws.
While condemning loving, consenting adult same-sex relations, the Pontiff played a role in shielding Catholic clergy guilty of child sex abuse from prosecution.
In 2001, Pope Benedict wrote a letter to all Catholic Bishops, which ordered Papal silence concerning allegations of child sex abuse. He instructed the Bishops to report all such cases to him in Rome, so the idea that he did not know about sex abuse by priests is nonsense. His letter did not tell Bishops to report the abusers to the police.
The esteemed Catholic theologian, Hans Kung, said the Pope bears co-responsibility for the cover-up and that Benedict has failed to apologise for his own personal shortcomings during the child sex abuse scandal.
For more than two decades, as a Cardinal and as a Pope, Joseph Ratzinger has attempted to reverse the liberalising trends of the Second Vatican Council - pushing the whole church back to a more orthodox, conservative agenda. He's strengthening the hierarchy and autocracy of the Vatican and the Papacy.
This has prompted a grassroots Catholic revolt - the "We are Church" movement - which seeks a more democratic, transparent, accountable church.
The Pope has condemned liberation theology, as espoused by Catholic theologians such as Gustavo Gutierriz and Leondaro Boff, and he has opposed the worker priest movement. He preaches social justice but attacks those clergy who advocate political action to reform society and make it more just.
Earlier this year, Pope Benedict rescinded the excommunication of Bishop Richard Williamson who, in 2008, denied key elements of the Holocaust; claiming that a maximum of 300,000 Jews died in concentration camps and that none were gassed by the Nazis.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/7869565.stm
Benedict has also paved the way for eventual sainthood of Pope, Pius XII, despite the war-time pontiff's failure to speak out publicly, either during or after the Holocaust, against the Nazi mass murder of six million Jews and millions of others, including Russian, Polish, disabled, gay and Roma people - and many more.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/dec/21/pope-benedict-moves-pius-closer-sainthood
Pius XII was no saint. The fact that Pope Benedict wants to makes him a saint shows how far he has strayed from the moral and ethical values of most Catholics and most of humanity.
Even most Catholics oppose many of his teachings
London - 13 August 2010
Human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell, who is also a spokesperson for the Protest the Pope campaign, spoke at a public meeting in Richmond, London, last night.
In his speech, he set out many of the reasons why the majority of the British people disagree with the Pope on key moral, social and human rights issues.
Text of Peter Tatchell's speech at the Protest the Pope public meeting at the Old Town Hall, Richmond, on 12 August 2010:
Pope Benedict comes to Britain next month. As democrats, we believe he has every right to come here and express his opinions. But we also have a right to protest against his often harsh, extreme views. We have a right to say that he is not welcome.
The Protest the Pope campaign is calling on the British government to disassociate itself from the Pope's intolerant teachings on issues such as women's rights, gay equality and the use of condoms to prevent the spread of HIV. On these and many other issues, Benedict is out of step with the majority of British people, including most Catholics.
We also object to his visit being funded by the taxpayer. Much of his itinerary involves religious and spiritual events. It is not appropriate that these are paid for by the public. After all, we don't fund visits by the Grand Mufti of Mecca or the Chief Rabbi of Jerusalem.
On so many important social issues, the Pope rejects human rights.
Pope Benedict opposes women's ordination. Women are deemed unfit to preach the gospel. This is an insult to the whole female sex. The implication of the Pope's teaching is that women have no moral capability or capacity for spiritual leadership. This is pure patriarchy, sexism and misogyny.
The Pope says artificial contraception is a sin. He condemns poor parents to having large families that they can't care for adequately. In some countries, priests spread the lie that contraception makes women sick.
Pope Benedict opposes IVF fertility treatment, to give childless couples the chance of parenthood. This is odd. The Catholic Church says having children is God's will but denies this option of parenthood to infertile couples.
The Pope rejects potentially life-saving embryonic stem cell research, which could help find cures for terrible illnesses like motor neurone disease - saving lives and improving people's quality of life. Surely this research is fulfilling Christian values and ideals?
Benedict XVI has denounced the use of condoms, even to stop the spread of HIV. He has also claimed that condom usage may "increase" the rate of HIV infection. His dishonest teachings discourage a proven way to reduce HIV transmission; thereby putting millions of lives at risk.
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/lancet-says-pope-distorting-condom-facts-1655647.html
The Pope has colluded with the Vatican's promotion of the lie that condoms spread HIV because latex is porous to the virus (sic). This is an outrageous falsehood and has been condemned as untrue and irresponsible by scientists and medical professionals.
In 1992, When he was Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, he authored a Vatican document that condemned homosexuality as an "objective disorder" and a "strong tendency ordered towards an intrinsic moral evil." Rejecting the concept of gay human rights, the document asserted that there is no "right" to laws protecting homosexual people against discrimination, suggesting that the civil liberties of lesbians and gay men can be "legitimately limited for objectively disordered external conduct."
http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Some+considerations+concerning+the+Catholic+response+to+legislative...-a0128671084
The Pope has attacked same-sex marriages as "evil" and vilified supporters of gay equality as "gravely immoral." He has also denounced homosexual equality as a "deviant trend" and condemned same-sex love as being "without any social value." He even threatened to excommunicate Catholic legislators who voted for gay rights laws.
While condemning loving, consenting adult same-sex relations, the Pontiff played a role in shielding Catholic clergy guilty of child sex abuse from prosecution.
In 2001, Pope Benedict wrote a letter to all Catholic Bishops, which ordered Papal silence concerning allegations of child sex abuse. He instructed the Bishops to report all such cases to him in Rome, so the idea that he did not know about sex abuse by priests is nonsense. His letter did not tell Bishops to report the abusers to the police.
The esteemed Catholic theologian, Hans Kung, said the Pope bears co-responsibility for the cover-up and that Benedict has failed to apologise for his own personal shortcomings during the child sex abuse scandal.
For more than two decades, as a Cardinal and as a Pope, Joseph Ratzinger has attempted to reverse the liberalising trends of the Second Vatican Council - pushing the whole church back to a more orthodox, conservative agenda. He's strengthening the hierarchy and autocracy of the Vatican and the Papacy.
This has prompted a grassroots Catholic revolt - the "We are Church" movement - which seeks a more democratic, transparent, accountable church.
The Pope has condemned liberation theology, as espoused by Catholic theologians such as Gustavo Gutierriz and Leondaro Boff, and he has opposed the worker priest movement. He preaches social justice but attacks those clergy who advocate political action to reform society and make it more just.
Earlier this year, Pope Benedict rescinded the excommunication of Bishop Richard Williamson who, in 2008, denied key elements of the Holocaust; claiming that a maximum of 300,000 Jews died in concentration camps and that none were gassed by the Nazis.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/7869565.stm
Benedict has also paved the way for eventual sainthood of Pope, Pius XII, despite the war-time pontiff's failure to speak out publicly, either during or after the Holocaust, against the Nazi mass murder of six million Jews and millions of others, including Russian, Polish, disabled, gay and Roma people - and many more.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/dec/21/pope-benedict-moves-pius-closer-sainthood
Pius XII was no saint. The fact that Pope Benedict wants to makes him a saint shows how far he has strayed from the moral and ethical values of most Catholics and most of humanity.
NARTH News: New Lesbian Parenting Study Makes Claims Unsupported by the Evidence
New Lesbian Parenting Study Makes Claims Unsupported by the Evidence
A. Dean Byrd, PhD, MBA,MPH
The National Longitudinal Lesbian Family Study (NLLFS) published byAmerican Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) offers the following conclusion: "Adolescents who have been reared in lesbian-mother families since birth demonstrate healthy psychological adjustment (p. 28)."
Authors Gartrell and Bos generalize their findings to the lesbian population at large, claiming their research offers "implications for --same-sex parenting" (p. 28).
Making an enormous scientific leap, they conclude that their study provides scientific proof that there is "no justification for restricting access to reproductive technologies or child custody on the basis of the sexual orientation of the parents" (p. 34-35).
Implied, though not stated, is the notion that fathers are not necessary or important for the healthy development of children. This implication is a throwback to an article published in the American Psychologist in 1999 titled "Deconstructing the Essential Father." Like the authors of the American Psychologist article, Gartrell and Bos are on record as activists seeking public support for homosexual parenting.
However, a cursory review of this study (funded by the Gill Foundation and the Lesbian Health Fund of the Gay, Lesbian Medical Association) demonstrates significant flaws that most first-year graduate students would quickly recognize. Any reasonable observer would easily conclude that the authors overstated their findings and that in this instance, whatever external review process was utilized, was inadequate. Consider the following:
1. The problems inherent in any self-report study. The lesbian mothers' own reports that their children were well-adjusted were accepted by the study's authors uncritically. The authors should have clarified the limitation and usefulness of such qualitative, self-reported data in light of the fact that the lesbian parents knew that the study would be used to further their political cause; in contrast, the control group had no idea how their reports would be used. In addition, most mothers, lesbian or not, would likely report their children's adjustment in a favorable light. Outside observers such as the child's teachers or counselors, if consulted, could have offered a different perspective.
2. The lesbian parents were hardly typical parents: 93% were Caucasian. Most were college-educated (67%). Most were middle/upper class (82%). Eighty-five per cent were in professional or managerial roles. The control sample, however, had significantly more minorities; many more children from the South; they were very different in race composition and socioeconomic status; and the educational level of these mothers was unclear. A statistical adjustment for these differences could have been easily addressed. Had these differences been controlled, they might have been reduced, been proven negligible, or perhaps reversed.
3. The sample was far from random. Participants were recruited from gay and lesbian venues (i.e., lesbian pride events and lesbian newspapers in three major metropolitan areas--Boston, Washington. D.C. and San Francisco). Although the authors acknowledge the non-randomness of their subject pool and the potential problems this situation could pose, this limitation did not seem to limit their conclusions. As a result, a very strong case could be made for selection bias having invalidated the findings.
Despite the obvious study flaws, the authors offer the following generalization: "The NLLFS adolescents are well-adjusted, demonstrating more competencies and fewer behavioral problems than their peers in the normative American population (p.34)."
Notably absent was data about the sexual orientation of the adolescents or the preferences or expectations for the adolescents' sexual orientation (some of this data was, in fact, collected for the 10-year study). Was this data collected and simply dismissed?
Remarkably, the authors report that the relationship-dissolution rate for the lesbian couples was 48% at the 10-year mark and 56% at the 17-year mark. (The average duration of the relationship prior to dissolution was 12 years.) When compared to the relationship-dissolution rates of the biological heterosexual sisters of the lesbians, the rate of relationship breakup is nearly double for the lesbians.
Is the reader to conclude that dissolution of the parents' relationship has no effect upon the adjustment of the adolescents? This conclusion hardly fits the existing research.
Other research, perhaps even more interesting, was released about the same time as the NLLFS study-- research conducted by Marquardt, Glenn and Clark, titled, "My Daddy's Name is 'Donor': A New Study of Young Adults Conceived Through Sperm Donation." The authors' conclusions included the following troubling negative factors: on average, young adults conceived through artificial insemination were more confused, felt more isolated from their families, were experiencing more psychic pain, and fared worse than a matched group of children who were conceived naturally in areas such as depression, delinquency and substance abuse. And the list goes on.
No research was cited in the Gartrell and Bos study regarding the outcomes of children conceived through sperm donation, when compared to children conceived through the natural union of a man and a woman. The authors address the issue of donor status in a very cursory fashion, almost dismissively.
It seems an interesting coincidence that earlier this year, another paper authored by Biblarz and Stacey (2010) offered a similar conclusion to that of Gartrell and Bos: "In fact, based strictly on the published science, one could argue that two women parent better on average than a woman and a man, or at least than a woman and a man with a traditional division of labor (p.17)."
Based on these two papers, could one really conclude that a double dose of mothering is superior to a mother and a father? If a double dose of mothering is superior to mother and a father, would it follow that a double dose of mothering is vastly superior to and actually contraindicates the placement of children in homes where mothering is absent (i.e., gay men)?
Nowhere do Gartrell and Bos cite the extensive research demonstrating the importance of gender complementarity to the healthy development of children. Nowhere do these authors cite the extensive, peer-reviewed literature on the importance of both mothering and fathering for the healthy development of children.
To Gartrell and Bos's credit, they do identify some of the reasons for what appears to be politically-motivated conclusions: "The study has implications - -or the expert testimony provided by pediatricians on lesbian mother custody, and for public policies concerning same-sex parenting. (p. 34)."
What seems clear is that the flaws in this study render it unsuitable for anything other than the following brief description: "interesting." Gartrell and Blos' conclusions don't rise to the level of support for lesbian parenting that they would like. Certainly, this study does not merit inclusion in any expert witness testimony nor does it rise to the level of policy implications. Until, such limitations are addressed and more rigorous research conducted, the sought after conclusions stated by the authors are without substantial scientific support.
Perhaps the study would be better titled, "Preconceived Conclusions Seeking Research Support" or "Activism Masquerading as Science: A Study Suitable for Scrutiny by Beginning Graduate Students."
Silverstein and Auerbach, authors of the "Deconstructing Fathers" article, offered the following disclaimer: "We acknowledge that our reading of the scientific literature supports our political agenda. Our goal is to generate public-policy initiatives that support men in their fathering role, without discriminating against women and same-sex couples. We are also interested in encouraging public policy that supports the legitimacy of diverse family structures, rather than privileging the two-parent, heterosexual, married family." (p. 399).
The same could be said of this study. Gartrell and Bos should have offered the same disclaimer as Silverstein and Auerbach. But they did not.
References:
Biblarz, T.J. & Stacey, J. (2010). "How does the gender of parents matter?" Journal of Marriage and Family, February, p. 3-22.
Gartrell, N. and Bos, H. (2010). "US National Longitudinal Lesbian Family Study: Psychological Adjustment of 17-Year-Old Adolescents," Pediatrics, Volume 126, Number 1, July 2010 p. 28-36.
Marquardt, E., Glenn, & Clark, K. "My daddy's name is donor." New York: Institute for American Values, p. 1-135.
Silverstein, L.B., & Auerbach, C. F. (1999). "Deconstructing the essential father," American Psychologist, 54, 6, p. 397-407.
A. Dean Byrd, PhD, MBA,MPH
The National Longitudinal Lesbian Family Study (NLLFS) published byAmerican Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) offers the following conclusion: "Adolescents who have been reared in lesbian-mother families since birth demonstrate healthy psychological adjustment (p. 28)."
Authors Gartrell and Bos generalize their findings to the lesbian population at large, claiming their research offers "implications for --same-sex parenting" (p. 28).
Making an enormous scientific leap, they conclude that their study provides scientific proof that there is "no justification for restricting access to reproductive technologies or child custody on the basis of the sexual orientation of the parents" (p. 34-35).
Implied, though not stated, is the notion that fathers are not necessary or important for the healthy development of children. This implication is a throwback to an article published in the American Psychologist in 1999 titled "Deconstructing the Essential Father." Like the authors of the American Psychologist article, Gartrell and Bos are on record as activists seeking public support for homosexual parenting.
However, a cursory review of this study (funded by the Gill Foundation and the Lesbian Health Fund of the Gay, Lesbian Medical Association) demonstrates significant flaws that most first-year graduate students would quickly recognize. Any reasonable observer would easily conclude that the authors overstated their findings and that in this instance, whatever external review process was utilized, was inadequate. Consider the following:
1. The problems inherent in any self-report study. The lesbian mothers' own reports that their children were well-adjusted were accepted by the study's authors uncritically. The authors should have clarified the limitation and usefulness of such qualitative, self-reported data in light of the fact that the lesbian parents knew that the study would be used to further their political cause; in contrast, the control group had no idea how their reports would be used. In addition, most mothers, lesbian or not, would likely report their children's adjustment in a favorable light. Outside observers such as the child's teachers or counselors, if consulted, could have offered a different perspective.
2. The lesbian parents were hardly typical parents: 93% were Caucasian. Most were college-educated (67%). Most were middle/upper class (82%). Eighty-five per cent were in professional or managerial roles. The control sample, however, had significantly more minorities; many more children from the South; they were very different in race composition and socioeconomic status; and the educational level of these mothers was unclear. A statistical adjustment for these differences could have been easily addressed. Had these differences been controlled, they might have been reduced, been proven negligible, or perhaps reversed.
3. The sample was far from random. Participants were recruited from gay and lesbian venues (i.e., lesbian pride events and lesbian newspapers in three major metropolitan areas--Boston, Washington. D.C. and San Francisco). Although the authors acknowledge the non-randomness of their subject pool and the potential problems this situation could pose, this limitation did not seem to limit their conclusions. As a result, a very strong case could be made for selection bias having invalidated the findings.
Despite the obvious study flaws, the authors offer the following generalization: "The NLLFS adolescents are well-adjusted, demonstrating more competencies and fewer behavioral problems than their peers in the normative American population (p.34)."
Notably absent was data about the sexual orientation of the adolescents or the preferences or expectations for the adolescents' sexual orientation (some of this data was, in fact, collected for the 10-year study). Was this data collected and simply dismissed?
Remarkably, the authors report that the relationship-dissolution rate for the lesbian couples was 48% at the 10-year mark and 56% at the 17-year mark. (The average duration of the relationship prior to dissolution was 12 years.) When compared to the relationship-dissolution rates of the biological heterosexual sisters of the lesbians, the rate of relationship breakup is nearly double for the lesbians.
Is the reader to conclude that dissolution of the parents' relationship has no effect upon the adjustment of the adolescents? This conclusion hardly fits the existing research.
Other research, perhaps even more interesting, was released about the same time as the NLLFS study-- research conducted by Marquardt, Glenn and Clark, titled, "My Daddy's Name is 'Donor': A New Study of Young Adults Conceived Through Sperm Donation." The authors' conclusions included the following troubling negative factors: on average, young adults conceived through artificial insemination were more confused, felt more isolated from their families, were experiencing more psychic pain, and fared worse than a matched group of children who were conceived naturally in areas such as depression, delinquency and substance abuse. And the list goes on.
No research was cited in the Gartrell and Bos study regarding the outcomes of children conceived through sperm donation, when compared to children conceived through the natural union of a man and a woman. The authors address the issue of donor status in a very cursory fashion, almost dismissively.
It seems an interesting coincidence that earlier this year, another paper authored by Biblarz and Stacey (2010) offered a similar conclusion to that of Gartrell and Bos: "In fact, based strictly on the published science, one could argue that two women parent better on average than a woman and a man, or at least than a woman and a man with a traditional division of labor (p.17)."
Based on these two papers, could one really conclude that a double dose of mothering is superior to a mother and a father? If a double dose of mothering is superior to mother and a father, would it follow that a double dose of mothering is vastly superior to and actually contraindicates the placement of children in homes where mothering is absent (i.e., gay men)?
Nowhere do Gartrell and Bos cite the extensive research demonstrating the importance of gender complementarity to the healthy development of children. Nowhere do these authors cite the extensive, peer-reviewed literature on the importance of both mothering and fathering for the healthy development of children.
To Gartrell and Bos's credit, they do identify some of the reasons for what appears to be politically-motivated conclusions: "The study has implications - -or the expert testimony provided by pediatricians on lesbian mother custody, and for public policies concerning same-sex parenting. (p. 34)."
What seems clear is that the flaws in this study render it unsuitable for anything other than the following brief description: "interesting." Gartrell and Blos' conclusions don't rise to the level of support for lesbian parenting that they would like. Certainly, this study does not merit inclusion in any expert witness testimony nor does it rise to the level of policy implications. Until, such limitations are addressed and more rigorous research conducted, the sought after conclusions stated by the authors are without substantial scientific support.
Perhaps the study would be better titled, "Preconceived Conclusions Seeking Research Support" or "Activism Masquerading as Science: A Study Suitable for Scrutiny by Beginning Graduate Students."
Silverstein and Auerbach, authors of the "Deconstructing Fathers" article, offered the following disclaimer: "We acknowledge that our reading of the scientific literature supports our political agenda. Our goal is to generate public-policy initiatives that support men in their fathering role, without discriminating against women and same-sex couples. We are also interested in encouraging public policy that supports the legitimacy of diverse family structures, rather than privileging the two-parent, heterosexual, married family." (p. 399).
The same could be said of this study. Gartrell and Bos should have offered the same disclaimer as Silverstein and Auerbach. But they did not.
References:
Biblarz, T.J. & Stacey, J. (2010). "How does the gender of parents matter?" Journal of Marriage and Family, February, p. 3-22.
Gartrell, N. and Bos, H. (2010). "US National Longitudinal Lesbian Family Study: Psychological Adjustment of 17-Year-Old Adolescents," Pediatrics, Volume 126, Number 1, July 2010 p. 28-36.
Marquardt, E., Glenn, & Clark, K. "My daddy's name is donor." New York: Institute for American Values, p. 1-135.
Silverstein, L.B., & Auerbach, C. F. (1999). "Deconstructing the essential father," American Psychologist, 54, 6, p. 397-407.
Thursday, August 12, 2010
Obama tells Africa forum 'no reason' for press restriction
One out of 10 delegates participating this week in U.S. President Barack Obama's Young African Leaders Forum was a journalist. The forum, a U.S. initiative meant to spark discussions on the future of Africa in a year when 17 countries on the continent are celebrating 50 years of nationhood, did not overlook freedom of the press, as I witnessed in its final event on Thursday at Washington's museum of news, the Newseum.
The venue for Thursday’s event, a conference center named after the publisher John S. Knight, was perhaps fitting after the forum’s Tuesday town hall meeting at the White House featured significant references to press freedom. Addressing 115 of the brightest and most enterprising 20- to 30-something leaders in activism, business, health, innovation and media in Africa on Tuesday, Obama singled out, among others, a Botswana journalist (Itumeleng Ramsden) for inspiring young people with her popular radio show, and a journalist from Ivory Coast (Aminata Kane Epse Kone) for championing the cause of Muslim women on her radio station. In a Q&A session, the president mentioned press freedom while praising the ability of youth to challenge the status quo.
“In some of your countries, freedom of the press is still restricted,” Obama said. “There’s no reason why that has to be the case. There’s nothing inevitable about that. And young people are more prone to ask questions, why shouldn’t we have a free press?”
Bold and unprecedented, the administration's approach to honor this ambitious Facebook generation (and there were numerous references to the social networking platform on Thursday, and not only from the participants), clearly raised eyebrows outside the U.S. At the end of Thursday’s event, columnist and activist Tiémoko Antoine Assale, a delegate from Ivory Coast, told the audience how, before his departure, he received a phone call from a government official who was upset because he had not received an invitation from Washington.
As noted by the New York Times' Adam Nossiter, Washington’s approach was a dramatic departure from France’s recent gathering of leaders of its former colonies during Bastille Day celebrations in July. The keynote event of those celebrations was a military parade featuring African soldiers. They marched on the Champs-Élysée along with French troops, and the sound of their boots drowned out local and international civil society protests over human rights and democracy concerns. French media quoted TV presenter Etienne Leenhard of state-funded France 2 as saying on the air that “Politically speaking, there are no dictatorships in Francophone Africa,” as he gestured over a map of the continent.
In Washington however, the U.S. State Department engaged the participants in thematic focus groups such as leadership, entrepreneurship, social responsibility, interfaith dialogue, and even “Advocacy, Transparency, and Human Rights.”
African governments dominate, monopolize, or politically censor national public media, but in many countries, government outlets are the only ones with the capacity to broadcast to the entire population. This leads to the suppression of voices of civil society or the opposition during election cycles. For instance, Welcom Romell Nzaba Nodjitolom, a human rights jurist from the Republic of Congo, described how the elite in power controls four of the five TV stations in his country. According to our research, in the Republic of Congo, there is the state-run Télé-Congo (considered to be the mouthpiece of the government), private DRTV (owned by Army General Norbert Dabira), private Top TV (owned by Claudia Nguesso, the daughter of President Denis Sassou-Nguesso), TV Réhoboth (owned by pastor Germain Ndéké, a maternal uncle of the president’s late wife Edith), and a fledging newcomer, MN TV, named after the president’s older brother, Maurice Nguesso.
Bai Sama Gwenning Best, the marketing manager for Liberia's Observer, a leading independent newspaper started by his father, Kenneth Best—Liberia's best-known journalist and a pioneer of the independent press in the Gambia—spoke to me about the need to educate security forces in African countries to respect frontline reporters. DRC journalist Yomboranyama Ngambashongo Anice shared his difficulties in finding fundraising partners to support the activities of his journalism training and capacity-building organization known by its French acronym as APIC. Then Sana Sarr, an unreserved IT professional from Gambia challenged me to answer questions about Gambian journalists: “Where is Chief Manneh? Who killed Deyda Hydara?”
When I suggested that perhaps we would know the answers to these questions by now if more people in the Gambia, outside the media community, asked such questions, he said that just the act of asking can land you in jail. He was right, and no one knows this better than the six Gambian press union leaders who were thrown into prison last summer over a press release criticizing the president’s insensitive remarks over the unsolved murder of editor Hydara. Four of the journalists are still living in exile.
The venue for Thursday’s event, a conference center named after the publisher John S. Knight, was perhaps fitting after the forum’s Tuesday town hall meeting at the White House featured significant references to press freedom. Addressing 115 of the brightest and most enterprising 20- to 30-something leaders in activism, business, health, innovation and media in Africa on Tuesday, Obama singled out, among others, a Botswana journalist (Itumeleng Ramsden) for inspiring young people with her popular radio show, and a journalist from Ivory Coast (Aminata Kane Epse Kone) for championing the cause of Muslim women on her radio station. In a Q&A session, the president mentioned press freedom while praising the ability of youth to challenge the status quo.
“In some of your countries, freedom of the press is still restricted,” Obama said. “There’s no reason why that has to be the case. There’s nothing inevitable about that. And young people are more prone to ask questions, why shouldn’t we have a free press?”
Bold and unprecedented, the administration's approach to honor this ambitious Facebook generation (and there were numerous references to the social networking platform on Thursday, and not only from the participants), clearly raised eyebrows outside the U.S. At the end of Thursday’s event, columnist and activist Tiémoko Antoine Assale, a delegate from Ivory Coast, told the audience how, before his departure, he received a phone call from a government official who was upset because he had not received an invitation from Washington.
As noted by the New York Times' Adam Nossiter, Washington’s approach was a dramatic departure from France’s recent gathering of leaders of its former colonies during Bastille Day celebrations in July. The keynote event of those celebrations was a military parade featuring African soldiers. They marched on the Champs-Élysée along with French troops, and the sound of their boots drowned out local and international civil society protests over human rights and democracy concerns. French media quoted TV presenter Etienne Leenhard of state-funded France 2 as saying on the air that “Politically speaking, there are no dictatorships in Francophone Africa,” as he gestured over a map of the continent.
In Washington however, the U.S. State Department engaged the participants in thematic focus groups such as leadership, entrepreneurship, social responsibility, interfaith dialogue, and even “Advocacy, Transparency, and Human Rights.”
African governments dominate, monopolize, or politically censor national public media, but in many countries, government outlets are the only ones with the capacity to broadcast to the entire population. This leads to the suppression of voices of civil society or the opposition during election cycles. For instance, Welcom Romell Nzaba Nodjitolom, a human rights jurist from the Republic of Congo, described how the elite in power controls four of the five TV stations in his country. According to our research, in the Republic of Congo, there is the state-run Télé-Congo (considered to be the mouthpiece of the government), private DRTV (owned by Army General Norbert Dabira), private Top TV (owned by Claudia Nguesso, the daughter of President Denis Sassou-Nguesso), TV Réhoboth (owned by pastor Germain Ndéké, a maternal uncle of the president’s late wife Edith), and a fledging newcomer, MN TV, named after the president’s older brother, Maurice Nguesso.
Bai Sama Gwenning Best, the marketing manager for Liberia's Observer, a leading independent newspaper started by his father, Kenneth Best—Liberia's best-known journalist and a pioneer of the independent press in the Gambia—spoke to me about the need to educate security forces in African countries to respect frontline reporters. DRC journalist Yomboranyama Ngambashongo Anice shared his difficulties in finding fundraising partners to support the activities of his journalism training and capacity-building organization known by its French acronym as APIC. Then Sana Sarr, an unreserved IT professional from Gambia challenged me to answer questions about Gambian journalists: “Where is Chief Manneh? Who killed Deyda Hydara?”
When I suggested that perhaps we would know the answers to these questions by now if more people in the Gambia, outside the media community, asked such questions, he said that just the act of asking can land you in jail. He was right, and no one knows this better than the six Gambian press union leaders who were thrown into prison last summer over a press release criticizing the president’s insensitive remarks over the unsolved murder of editor Hydara. Four of the journalists are still living in exile.
In Rwanda election, no critical domestic press
By Tom Rhodes/CPJ East Africa Consultant
"No one but you!" supporters of President Paul Kagame have shouted at recent election rallies with many waving the red, white, and blue flags that symbolize the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front party, according to local and international reports. But journalists critical of the ruling party could not document firsthand the campaign that ended today because the government systematically shut their news outlets and swept them out of the country in a campaign of intimidation.
Heading into today's vote, Kagame was virtually certain to win another seven-year term. He faced no credible challengers--two opposition parties were banned--and critical domestic news coverage had been quashed.
In April, the government-influenced Media High Council issued a six-month suspension to two critical weeklies, Umuvugizi and Umuseso, for purportedly inciting violence and criticizing the head of state. Chief Editor John-Bosco Gasasira of Umuvugizi told me he fled the country the same month after encountering threatening phone calls and surveillance from military intelligence. In May, the managing director of Umuseso Didas Gasana also fled the country fearing impending arrest. "It was getting tougher to bear," Gasana told me. "As things appear now, the country has become practically impossible for any critic or any opposition." Both publications launched websites to circumvent state censorship, but within weeks both sites were blocked within the country.
For many weeks, Gasasira remained defiant that his news outlet would continue its work in the country. "Jean-Leonard Rugambage is my deputy and he is going to continue operations of the paper," he told CPJ after going in exile. But by June, Rugambage was shot dead as he entered the gate of his home. Authorities claimed the killing was retaliation for Rugambage's alleged involvement in the 1994 genocide--a charge the government has not supported with evidence. Rugambage's wife, Epiphanie, felt compelled to flee Rwanda with her 2-year-old child after plainclothes agents interrogated her, Gasasira said.
Exiled journalists from Umuseso launched a new weekly, Newsline, and tried to ship the paper by bus into Rwanda in late June. "We put someone on the border to pick up the copies," Gasana told CPJ, but police confiscated the paper, briefly detained the bus driver, and imprisoned the conductor for four days. "I felt terrible," Gasana said. "He was just a bus conductor with no ties to our paper. We had no idea they would react in such a way."
Despite all this, both publications are still covering Rwndan politics, albeit from afar and without deep domestic readership. "Even if you can only manage to reach one person, it's worth it since they might pass the information on to someone else," Gasana said. But reporting from exile is challenging for both publications since sources fear speaking with them. "Our sources are so intimidated that it proves challenging to cross-check information, especially after the assassination of Rugambage. This has really terrified both reporters and sources alike," Gasasira told me.
Police arrested the editor of another critical paper, Umurabyo, in July, a month prior to the polling. Editor Agnès Uwimana and colleague Saidati Mukakibibi were charged with a volley of criminal charges including inciting violence through malicious propaganda and denial of the 1994 genocide, local journalists told CPJ.
With few critical voices left in operation, one wonders whether the electoral coverage could be thorough and impartial. The Media High Council Executive Secretary Patrice Mulama told me that both private and public media had done a decent job of covering the four presidential candidates. The council opened a press center in Kigali to assist reporters with election coverage and ferried journalists to remote rural polling stations.
But the kicker, Gasana pointed out, lies with the candidates themselves. All of the presidential candidates who were left in the running have links to the ruling party, the BBC reported. "Of course [the media] can cover all of the candidates without losing favor with Kagame since none of them are genuine contenders," one local journalist told me. Fearing for his safety, he spoke on condition of anonymity.
The targeting of journalists and opposition candidates has led to considerable criticism of Kagame in international media. "Kagame allows less political space and press freedom at home than Robert Mugabe does in Zimbabwe," The Economist charged recently.
The exiled Rwandan press, in fact, does seem to be acting similarly to their exiled Zimbabwean colleagues. "The Zimbabwean exiled media is the most dynamic, active press on the continent," the Federation of African Journalists President Omar Faruk told me recently at his office in Nairobi. Exiled Zimbabwean radio stations and newspapers such as SW Radio and The Zimbabwean have gradually taken over both readership and the news agenda from the state-run press. If the space for free expression closes further in Rwanda after the polls, a similar scenario could take place. In the meantime, Newsline is readying a special election edition, Gasana says.
"No one but you!" supporters of President Paul Kagame have shouted at recent election rallies with many waving the red, white, and blue flags that symbolize the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front party, according to local and international reports. But journalists critical of the ruling party could not document firsthand the campaign that ended today because the government systematically shut their news outlets and swept them out of the country in a campaign of intimidation.
Heading into today's vote, Kagame was virtually certain to win another seven-year term. He faced no credible challengers--two opposition parties were banned--and critical domestic news coverage had been quashed.
In April, the government-influenced Media High Council issued a six-month suspension to two critical weeklies, Umuvugizi and Umuseso, for purportedly inciting violence and criticizing the head of state. Chief Editor John-Bosco Gasasira of Umuvugizi told me he fled the country the same month after encountering threatening phone calls and surveillance from military intelligence. In May, the managing director of Umuseso Didas Gasana also fled the country fearing impending arrest. "It was getting tougher to bear," Gasana told me. "As things appear now, the country has become practically impossible for any critic or any opposition." Both publications launched websites to circumvent state censorship, but within weeks both sites were blocked within the country.
For many weeks, Gasasira remained defiant that his news outlet would continue its work in the country. "Jean-Leonard Rugambage is my deputy and he is going to continue operations of the paper," he told CPJ after going in exile. But by June, Rugambage was shot dead as he entered the gate of his home. Authorities claimed the killing was retaliation for Rugambage's alleged involvement in the 1994 genocide--a charge the government has not supported with evidence. Rugambage's wife, Epiphanie, felt compelled to flee Rwanda with her 2-year-old child after plainclothes agents interrogated her, Gasasira said.
Exiled journalists from Umuseso launched a new weekly, Newsline, and tried to ship the paper by bus into Rwanda in late June. "We put someone on the border to pick up the copies," Gasana told CPJ, but police confiscated the paper, briefly detained the bus driver, and imprisoned the conductor for four days. "I felt terrible," Gasana said. "He was just a bus conductor with no ties to our paper. We had no idea they would react in such a way."
Despite all this, both publications are still covering Rwndan politics, albeit from afar and without deep domestic readership. "Even if you can only manage to reach one person, it's worth it since they might pass the information on to someone else," Gasana said. But reporting from exile is challenging for both publications since sources fear speaking with them. "Our sources are so intimidated that it proves challenging to cross-check information, especially after the assassination of Rugambage. This has really terrified both reporters and sources alike," Gasasira told me.
Police arrested the editor of another critical paper, Umurabyo, in July, a month prior to the polling. Editor Agnès Uwimana and colleague Saidati Mukakibibi were charged with a volley of criminal charges including inciting violence through malicious propaganda and denial of the 1994 genocide, local journalists told CPJ.
With few critical voices left in operation, one wonders whether the electoral coverage could be thorough and impartial. The Media High Council Executive Secretary Patrice Mulama told me that both private and public media had done a decent job of covering the four presidential candidates. The council opened a press center in Kigali to assist reporters with election coverage and ferried journalists to remote rural polling stations.
But the kicker, Gasana pointed out, lies with the candidates themselves. All of the presidential candidates who were left in the running have links to the ruling party, the BBC reported. "Of course [the media] can cover all of the candidates without losing favor with Kagame since none of them are genuine contenders," one local journalist told me. Fearing for his safety, he spoke on condition of anonymity.
The targeting of journalists and opposition candidates has led to considerable criticism of Kagame in international media. "Kagame allows less political space and press freedom at home than Robert Mugabe does in Zimbabwe," The Economist charged recently.
The exiled Rwandan press, in fact, does seem to be acting similarly to their exiled Zimbabwean colleagues. "The Zimbabwean exiled media is the most dynamic, active press on the continent," the Federation of African Journalists President Omar Faruk told me recently at his office in Nairobi. Exiled Zimbabwean radio stations and newspapers such as SW Radio and The Zimbabwean have gradually taken over both readership and the news agenda from the state-run press. If the space for free expression closes further in Rwanda after the polls, a similar scenario could take place. In the meantime, Newsline is readying a special election edition, Gasana says.
Bulletin of the Oppression of Women
July 7-August 9, 2010
July 7, 2010
India
A woman alleges her father-in-law asked her to join flesh trade for giving birth to girls.
July 8, 2010
Iran
Iranians still facing death by stoning despite 'reprieve'. Fifteen could still die in horrific sentence after being allegedly convicted of adultery.
July 9, 2010
Pakistan
Women's Action Forum (WAF) is outraged at reports of yet another "judgement of stoning to death due to illicit relations".
India
The boss of an award-winning Indian restaurant tried to strangle his wife for opening the bedroom windows.
UK
A boy who took revenge for being dumped by starting a house fire which killed his ex-girlfriend and her sister has received a life sentence.
July 10, 2010
Jordan
A married 36-year-old woman in Jordan was stabbed to death by two of her brothers over a suspected extra-marital affair.
July 11, 2010
Iran (Hat tip to AtlasShrugs)
A 26 Year old woman was raped and murdered by Basij Members for wearing a "Bad Hijab".
July 12, 2010
USA
Nonie Darwish sets the record straight about terrorizing Muslim women.
Saudi Arabia
A Saudi woman who is seeking a divorce from her husband has claimed that a judge has refused to listen to her complaints at five scheduled hearings because she came to court without a male legal guardian each time.
July 13, 2010
Saudi Arabia
A group of young Saudi men have launched a campaign to convince Saudi men of the unappreciated virtues of polygamy.
Pakistan
A Muslim doctor rapes a Christian student nurse and attempts to murder her by throwing her out of a fourth floor window.
India
A 35-year-old woman was allegedly stripped and whipped after she defied the diktat of a kangaroo court to remarry her second husband.
Bangladesh
A housewife was attacked with acid.
July 14, 2010
Pakistan
A man shot his mother dead allegedly over honour at their house.
July 15, 2010
Iran
Maryam Ghorbanzadeh was recently convicted of adultery, and although she is pregnant, was sentenced by an Islamic court to death by stoning.
Canada
A Calgary mother won't spend a day in jail for killing her teenage daughter with a head scarf - a decision that has prompted outrage.
India
Three Hindu girls were raped and brutally tortured by Jihadis.
Indonesia
T wo shariah police officers receive 8 year sentences for the rape of a student.
Bangladesh
The chattel status of women in Muslim-majority countries is once again highlighted in this disturbing report.
UK
An unemployed Roxburgh Park man charged with aggravated burglary and sexual assault believed the allegations were no big deal.
July 17, 2010
Afghanistan
Women in Taliban-held areas of Afghanistan say they are once again being threatened, attacked and forced out of jobs and education as fears rise that their rights will be sacrificed as part of any deal with insurgents to end the war in Afghanistan.
Kuwait
An Egyptian man reportedly entered a women's salon and stabbed his wife 31 times in front of her astonished colleagues and clients.
July 18, 2010
Gaza
Gaza's Hamas rulers are banning women from smoking water pipes in cafes, claiming it violates tradition and leads to divorce.
July 19, 2010
Bahrain (hat tip to Atlas Shrugs)
Muslim cleric teaches not to break bones when beating wife.
July 23, 2010
USA
New Jersey judge accepted Islamic sharia law that says husbands have control over their wives in his ruling.
Pakistan
A woman is freed after spending 14 years in prison without trial for "blasphemy".
July 24,2010
Jordan
A 16 year old Jordanian girl is murdered by 30 machine gun rounds by her uncle after sexual assault in "honor killing."
July 25, 2010
Saudi Arabia
Saudi technology guards against women escaping from home.
UK
Female circumcision will be inflicted on up to 2,000 British schoolgirls during the summer holidays - leaving brutal physical and emotional scars.
July 26, 2010
UK
Raped British girls "revert" to Muslim faith.
July 27, 2010
Saudi Arabia
Saudi girl drinks bleach to escape forced marriage.
July 30, 2010
Iran
The Iranian woman whose sentence of death by stoning was commuted to hanging after an international campaign, today sent a message from inside Tabriz prison calling for further support so that she might be reunited with her children. Update HERE. Brazil's President offers asylum. More HERE. Turkish police have arrested an Iranian lawyer who represented Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani, the woman sentenced to death by stoning for adultery
Pakistan
Rampant child molestation in Pakistan.
UK
The demand for virginity repair operations has surged.
August 1, 2010
Malaysia
An ethnic Indian woman, seeking to quash her three children's conversion to Islam by her ex-husband, has been threatened by him not to pursue the court battle to get the custody of their youngest daughter.
August 2, 1010
Iran
The wife of a jailed Christian man is told to convert to Islam in order to negotiate his release.
August 4, 2010
Malaysia
Malaysia state backs child marriages.
August 5, 2010
Saudi Arabia
Lawyers and human rights activists demand changes to sponsorship rules after a housemaid in Taif was reportedly denied a final exit visa after the death of her sponsor.
August 6, 2010
USA
A symposium on honor killings.
UK
A botched honor murder.
Afghanistan
The Afghan girl featured on a controversial Time magazine cover is in the US to have her nose rebuilt.
USA
'Honor killing' Dad had secretly taped his daughters.
Indonesia
Fi ve people have been caned in public.
Egypt
A woman has gone public with a rare television interview alleging that police raped her after she stopped to ask for directions in a rural part of the country.
August 7, 2010
USA
Update on Rifqa Bary.
UK
Predatory Muslim gangs force middle class girls into sex trade.
Aug. 8, 2010
France
Brice Hortefeux, the interior minister of France, called for immigrants who practise polygamy or female genital mutilation to have their citizenship withdrawn.
August 9, 2010
Afghanistan (Hat tip to JihadWatch)
The Taliban publicly flogged and then executed a pregnant Afghan widow by shooting her three times in the head for alleged adultery.
July 7, 2010
India
A woman alleges her father-in-law asked her to join flesh trade for giving birth to girls.
July 8, 2010
Iran
Iranians still facing death by stoning despite 'reprieve'. Fifteen could still die in horrific sentence after being allegedly convicted of adultery.
July 9, 2010
Pakistan
Women's Action Forum (WAF) is outraged at reports of yet another "judgement of stoning to death due to illicit relations".
India
The boss of an award-winning Indian restaurant tried to strangle his wife for opening the bedroom windows.
UK
A boy who took revenge for being dumped by starting a house fire which killed his ex-girlfriend and her sister has received a life sentence.
July 10, 2010
Jordan
A married 36-year-old woman in Jordan was stabbed to death by two of her brothers over a suspected extra-marital affair.
July 11, 2010
Iran (Hat tip to AtlasShrugs)
A 26 Year old woman was raped and murdered by Basij Members for wearing a "Bad Hijab".
July 12, 2010
USA
Nonie Darwish sets the record straight about terrorizing Muslim women.
Saudi Arabia
A Saudi woman who is seeking a divorce from her husband has claimed that a judge has refused to listen to her complaints at five scheduled hearings because she came to court without a male legal guardian each time.
July 13, 2010
Saudi Arabia
A group of young Saudi men have launched a campaign to convince Saudi men of the unappreciated virtues of polygamy.
Pakistan
A Muslim doctor rapes a Christian student nurse and attempts to murder her by throwing her out of a fourth floor window.
India
A 35-year-old woman was allegedly stripped and whipped after she defied the diktat of a kangaroo court to remarry her second husband.
Bangladesh
A housewife was attacked with acid.
July 14, 2010
Pakistan
A man shot his mother dead allegedly over honour at their house.
July 15, 2010
Iran
Maryam Ghorbanzadeh was recently convicted of adultery, and although she is pregnant, was sentenced by an Islamic court to death by stoning.
Canada
A Calgary mother won't spend a day in jail for killing her teenage daughter with a head scarf - a decision that has prompted outrage.
India
Three Hindu girls were raped and brutally tortured by Jihadis.
Indonesia
T wo shariah police officers receive 8 year sentences for the rape of a student.
Bangladesh
The chattel status of women in Muslim-majority countries is once again highlighted in this disturbing report.
UK
An unemployed Roxburgh Park man charged with aggravated burglary and sexual assault believed the allegations were no big deal.
July 17, 2010
Afghanistan
Women in Taliban-held areas of Afghanistan say they are once again being threatened, attacked and forced out of jobs and education as fears rise that their rights will be sacrificed as part of any deal with insurgents to end the war in Afghanistan.
Kuwait
An Egyptian man reportedly entered a women's salon and stabbed his wife 31 times in front of her astonished colleagues and clients.
July 18, 2010
Gaza
Gaza's Hamas rulers are banning women from smoking water pipes in cafes, claiming it violates tradition and leads to divorce.
July 19, 2010
Bahrain (hat tip to Atlas Shrugs)
Muslim cleric teaches not to break bones when beating wife.
July 23, 2010
USA
New Jersey judge accepted Islamic sharia law that says husbands have control over their wives in his ruling.
Pakistan
A woman is freed after spending 14 years in prison without trial for "blasphemy".
July 24,2010
Jordan
A 16 year old Jordanian girl is murdered by 30 machine gun rounds by her uncle after sexual assault in "honor killing."
July 25, 2010
Saudi Arabia
Saudi technology guards against women escaping from home.
UK
Female circumcision will be inflicted on up to 2,000 British schoolgirls during the summer holidays - leaving brutal physical and emotional scars.
July 26, 2010
UK
Raped British girls "revert" to Muslim faith.
July 27, 2010
Saudi Arabia
Saudi girl drinks bleach to escape forced marriage.
July 30, 2010
Iran
The Iranian woman whose sentence of death by stoning was commuted to hanging after an international campaign, today sent a message from inside Tabriz prison calling for further support so that she might be reunited with her children. Update HERE. Brazil's President offers asylum. More HERE. Turkish police have arrested an Iranian lawyer who represented Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani, the woman sentenced to death by stoning for adultery
Pakistan
Rampant child molestation in Pakistan.
UK
The demand for virginity repair operations has surged.
August 1, 2010
Malaysia
An ethnic Indian woman, seeking to quash her three children's conversion to Islam by her ex-husband, has been threatened by him not to pursue the court battle to get the custody of their youngest daughter.
August 2, 1010
Iran
The wife of a jailed Christian man is told to convert to Islam in order to negotiate his release.
August 4, 2010
Malaysia
Malaysia state backs child marriages.
August 5, 2010
Saudi Arabia
Lawyers and human rights activists demand changes to sponsorship rules after a housemaid in Taif was reportedly denied a final exit visa after the death of her sponsor.
August 6, 2010
USA
A symposium on honor killings.
UK
A botched honor murder.
Afghanistan
The Afghan girl featured on a controversial Time magazine cover is in the US to have her nose rebuilt.
USA
'Honor killing' Dad had secretly taped his daughters.
Indonesia
Fi ve people have been caned in public.
Egypt
A woman has gone public with a rare television interview alleging that police raped her after she stopped to ask for directions in a rural part of the country.
August 7, 2010
USA
Update on Rifqa Bary.
UK
Predatory Muslim gangs force middle class girls into sex trade.
Aug. 8, 2010
France
Brice Hortefeux, the interior minister of France, called for immigrants who practise polygamy or female genital mutilation to have their citizenship withdrawn.
August 9, 2010
Afghanistan (Hat tip to JihadWatch)
The Taliban publicly flogged and then executed a pregnant Afghan widow by shooting her three times in the head for alleged adultery.
In Swaziland, local press subdues royal sex scandal coverage
By Richard Rooney/Guest Blogger
Local papers shied away from explaining the nature of the scandal around the minister.
Local papers shied away from explaining the nature of the scandal around the minister.
An alleged sex scandal involving one of the wives of Africa's last absolute monarch, King Mswati III of Swaziland, has made worldwide headlines. Yet, in the southern African mountain kingdom, media coverage has been subdued, shying away from questioning the silence of the monarchy over the reports.
So, while City Press, a newspaper in neighboring South Africa, went as far as publishing an exclusive photo showing the alleged moment when married Swazi Justice and Constitutional Affairs Minister Ndumiso Mamba was caught in a hotel room with the Inkhosikati LaDube, King Mswati's 12th wife, both the government daily and leading independent newspaper Times of Swaziland barely reported that the minister was forced to resign following unspecified "allegations" about him.
The Times, however, reported that Swazi plainclothes police arrested a man on Tuesday in the commercial capital, Manzini, for photocopying the City Press article. The paper quoted Swazi Police Deputy Public Relations Officer Superintendent Wendy Hleta as confirming that the Criminial Investigation Department had charged the man with "contravening the Copyright Act."
No wonder. Media in Swaziland, a small country landlocked between South Africa and Mozambique, is strictly controlled by the king. All radio stations are under the state agency known as the Swaziland Broadcasting and Information Service (SBIS). The head of the government, Swaziland Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini, is editor-in-chief of SBIS and state television station Swazi TV. The only other TV station in Swaziland, Channel Swazi, is privately owned but follows the monarch's line in news broadcasts. One of Swaziland's two newspaper groups, the Swazi Observer Group, is part of a company that is in effect owned by King Mswati. That leaves the Times of Swaziland as the only independent newspaper in the kingdom.
Media is generally frightened of the power the king wields. The Times has fallen afoul of him in the past. In 2007, King Mswati ordered the Times Sunday to publish an apology for an article it sourced from Norway that said the king was partly responsible for Swaziland's economic ills. He also demanded that the features editor of the Times Sunday be dismissed for allowing the report to be published and warned the newspaper never again refer to him as a "dictator" (even though the report did not use this word). The King said if his demands were not met he would close down the Times Sunday and the other newspapers published by its owner. The publisher went along with the demands.
More recently, in 2009, the Times was forced to make an abject public apology to King Mswati after it reported that he had bought 20 luxury and armored Mercedes Benz S600 Pullman Guard cars that cost US$250,000 each. The story was true and had been published extensively by news media internationally.
As a result, censorship and self-censorship is rife in the Swaziland media. Research published by the Media Institute of Southern Africa in 2008 revealed that fear of the monarchy and the power it has over the kingdom and media houses within it was by far the main cause of censorship in Swaziland. This is both the censorship imposed by King Mswati and self-censorship. There are also high levels of self-censorship around the king and the queen mother, since editors, aware of threats made in the past by the king, do not want to get themselves into trouble. There is a rule, generally accepted among journalists in all media houses, that you don't criticise him.
There are serious concerns about human rights generally and media freedom in particular in Swaziland. The U.S. State Department in its review of human rights in Swaziland for 2009 reported: "The constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press, but the king may waive these rights at his discretion, and the government restricted these rights during the year. Although no law bans criticism of the monarchy, the prime minister and other officials warned journalists that publishing such criticism could be construed as an act of sedition or treason, and media organizations were threatened with closure for criticizing the monarchy."
As if to illustrate this point, last month, King Mswati's elder brother, Prince Mahlaba, declared in a public conference that "journalists who continue to write bad things about the country will die." However, as Times of Swaziland columnist Vusi Sibisi pointed out in an August 4 column: "Contrary to popular opinion within government, the media is not a lapdog to sing praises of the political establishment. The media have a far important and crucial role of ensuring transparency and public accountability instead of singing praises whatever the size of the carrot government dangles to journalists or the threat of the stick it wields to drive the fear of God into scribes."
Richard Rooney is a former associate professor in journalism and mass communication at the University of Swaziland. He blogs at Swazi Media Commentary.
Local papers shied away from explaining the nature of the scandal around the minister.
Local papers shied away from explaining the nature of the scandal around the minister.
An alleged sex scandal involving one of the wives of Africa's last absolute monarch, King Mswati III of Swaziland, has made worldwide headlines. Yet, in the southern African mountain kingdom, media coverage has been subdued, shying away from questioning the silence of the monarchy over the reports.
So, while City Press, a newspaper in neighboring South Africa, went as far as publishing an exclusive photo showing the alleged moment when married Swazi Justice and Constitutional Affairs Minister Ndumiso Mamba was caught in a hotel room with the Inkhosikati LaDube, King Mswati's 12th wife, both the government daily and leading independent newspaper Times of Swaziland barely reported that the minister was forced to resign following unspecified "allegations" about him.
The Times, however, reported that Swazi plainclothes police arrested a man on Tuesday in the commercial capital, Manzini, for photocopying the City Press article. The paper quoted Swazi Police Deputy Public Relations Officer Superintendent Wendy Hleta as confirming that the Criminial Investigation Department had charged the man with "contravening the Copyright Act."
No wonder. Media in Swaziland, a small country landlocked between South Africa and Mozambique, is strictly controlled by the king. All radio stations are under the state agency known as the Swaziland Broadcasting and Information Service (SBIS). The head of the government, Swaziland Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini, is editor-in-chief of SBIS and state television station Swazi TV. The only other TV station in Swaziland, Channel Swazi, is privately owned but follows the monarch's line in news broadcasts. One of Swaziland's two newspaper groups, the Swazi Observer Group, is part of a company that is in effect owned by King Mswati. That leaves the Times of Swaziland as the only independent newspaper in the kingdom.
Media is generally frightened of the power the king wields. The Times has fallen afoul of him in the past. In 2007, King Mswati ordered the Times Sunday to publish an apology for an article it sourced from Norway that said the king was partly responsible for Swaziland's economic ills. He also demanded that the features editor of the Times Sunday be dismissed for allowing the report to be published and warned the newspaper never again refer to him as a "dictator" (even though the report did not use this word). The King said if his demands were not met he would close down the Times Sunday and the other newspapers published by its owner. The publisher went along with the demands.
More recently, in 2009, the Times was forced to make an abject public apology to King Mswati after it reported that he had bought 20 luxury and armored Mercedes Benz S600 Pullman Guard cars that cost US$250,000 each. The story was true and had been published extensively by news media internationally.
As a result, censorship and self-censorship is rife in the Swaziland media. Research published by the Media Institute of Southern Africa in 2008 revealed that fear of the monarchy and the power it has over the kingdom and media houses within it was by far the main cause of censorship in Swaziland. This is both the censorship imposed by King Mswati and self-censorship. There are also high levels of self-censorship around the king and the queen mother, since editors, aware of threats made in the past by the king, do not want to get themselves into trouble. There is a rule, generally accepted among journalists in all media houses, that you don't criticise him.
There are serious concerns about human rights generally and media freedom in particular in Swaziland. The U.S. State Department in its review of human rights in Swaziland for 2009 reported: "The constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press, but the king may waive these rights at his discretion, and the government restricted these rights during the year. Although no law bans criticism of the monarchy, the prime minister and other officials warned journalists that publishing such criticism could be construed as an act of sedition or treason, and media organizations were threatened with closure for criticizing the monarchy."
As if to illustrate this point, last month, King Mswati's elder brother, Prince Mahlaba, declared in a public conference that "journalists who continue to write bad things about the country will die." However, as Times of Swaziland columnist Vusi Sibisi pointed out in an August 4 column: "Contrary to popular opinion within government, the media is not a lapdog to sing praises of the political establishment. The media have a far important and crucial role of ensuring transparency and public accountability instead of singing praises whatever the size of the carrot government dangles to journalists or the threat of the stick it wields to drive the fear of God into scribes."
Richard Rooney is a former associate professor in journalism and mass communication at the University of Swaziland. He blogs at Swazi Media Commentary.
Mmegi online comments on ex-South African Police chief: Southern Africa Needs Clean Police
Last week, the South African courts found former police chief, Jackie Selibe, guilty of corruption and dealing in illegal goods including drugs.
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Selibe was a leader at Interpol, a particularly important organ of the international policing network of nations that assists to fight crime in southern Africa.
The police chief was put away for 15 years and described by the presiding judge as 'an embarrassment'. He is believed to have been associated with dubious characters from whom he received favours in exchange for financial reward.
Shouldn't The Monitor enquire about the credentials that led the policemen of the region, and Botswana in particular, to give Selibe the leadership of Interpol in southern Africa? That might be pointless.
But that is not really the problem. The larger question lies here: "How clean are the leaders of the police in southern Africa?" How clean are they in Zimbabwe? How clean are they in Swaziland, Lesotho, Botswana and the Seychelles?
How clean are the folks who claim absence of criminal conduct, also proclaiming at every opportunity, their patriotism and commitment to safeguarding the resources of the nations where they serve? More bluntly: Can we trust the police?
It is difficult to trust the police in an environment in which corruption, street justice and criminalisation of innocent social activity become the main business of government.
When the law enforcement officers fall foul of the law, the citizens fear that the primary cause to which the police commit themselves - keeping the peace - is seriously compromised. Institutions like the police service are the last places that should be infiltrated by corruption.
For if it creeps in, the service becomes irrelevant. A corrupt police service will never deliver in its mandate.
The police are the custodians of security and safety of the community and if they allow themselves to become greedy and accept bribes, then we are all doomed because the big guys who write the big cheques will never be prosecuted even if they commit crimes.
We have every reason to suspect that South Africa's Jackie Selibe is not the only one among the cops in southern Africa who are bad eggs, even as we admit that we have not proved the guilt of any one of them.
Botswana needs a forensic test of the police force, especially its leaders. No harm should come of it.
Article Tools
E-mail a friend Print
Share this!!!
Selibe was a leader at Interpol, a particularly important organ of the international policing network of nations that assists to fight crime in southern Africa.
The police chief was put away for 15 years and described by the presiding judge as 'an embarrassment'. He is believed to have been associated with dubious characters from whom he received favours in exchange for financial reward.
Shouldn't The Monitor enquire about the credentials that led the policemen of the region, and Botswana in particular, to give Selibe the leadership of Interpol in southern Africa? That might be pointless.
But that is not really the problem. The larger question lies here: "How clean are the leaders of the police in southern Africa?" How clean are they in Zimbabwe? How clean are they in Swaziland, Lesotho, Botswana and the Seychelles?
How clean are the folks who claim absence of criminal conduct, also proclaiming at every opportunity, their patriotism and commitment to safeguarding the resources of the nations where they serve? More bluntly: Can we trust the police?
It is difficult to trust the police in an environment in which corruption, street justice and criminalisation of innocent social activity become the main business of government.
When the law enforcement officers fall foul of the law, the citizens fear that the primary cause to which the police commit themselves - keeping the peace - is seriously compromised. Institutions like the police service are the last places that should be infiltrated by corruption.
For if it creeps in, the service becomes irrelevant. A corrupt police service will never deliver in its mandate.
The police are the custodians of security and safety of the community and if they allow themselves to become greedy and accept bribes, then we are all doomed because the big guys who write the big cheques will never be prosecuted even if they commit crimes.
We have every reason to suspect that South Africa's Jackie Selibe is not the only one among the cops in southern Africa who are bad eggs, even as we admit that we have not proved the guilt of any one of them.
Botswana needs a forensic test of the police force, especially its leaders. No harm should come of it.
Gender And Media Discuss Findings Of Study On Mainstreaming Gender
WINDHOEK, Aug 12 (Bernama) -- Gender and Media Southern Africa (GEMSA) is holding consultative workshops in various Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries on the findings of studies conducted on mainstreaming gender in the media, Namibia Press Agency (NAMPA) reported.
The key aim of the consultative workshops, being held in collaboration with Gender Links, is to share the findings of the recent Gender and Media Progress Study, a follow-up to the 2003 Gender and Media Baseline Study (GMBS).
During the official opening of the one-day meeting here on Wednesday, the Director of UNESCO Office in Windhoek Alaphia Wright said the workshops are an opportunity to advance policy dialogue on women and men in the southern African media.
"As you know, the UNESCO Communication and Information Sector works specifically towards the increase of Gender perspectives in media content," he noted.
Wright said these priorities are also reflected in other UN agencies' contribution towards increased awareness and capacity building to protect the rights of women and girls.
He said gender equality is a fundamental human right, a commonly-shared value and a necessary condition for the achievement of the internationally-agreed development objectives, including all of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
According to Wright, UNESCO believes that all forms of discrimination on the basis of gender are violations of human rights, and are a significant barrier to peace, sustainable development and the achievement of all internationally-recognised development goals.
"With this in mind," he said, "UNESCO has designated gender as one of the organisation's two global priorities in its Medium-Term Strategy for 2008-2013." He said in UNESCO, these priorities are supported by a dual approach, which consists of gender mainstreaming and gender-specific programming that promotes three main outcomes at the organisations level.
"Women empowerment and gender equality in SADC member States has advanced through policy dialogue and programmes promoted by UNESCO, and such commitment to gender equality has been institutionalised in the Secretariat," said Wright.
The UNESCO Director said the media, as partners, must ensure that women's rights are publicly advocated and that gender is mainstreamed in all information, communication, media policies, programmes, laws and training.
-- BERNAMA
The key aim of the consultative workshops, being held in collaboration with Gender Links, is to share the findings of the recent Gender and Media Progress Study, a follow-up to the 2003 Gender and Media Baseline Study (GMBS).
During the official opening of the one-day meeting here on Wednesday, the Director of UNESCO Office in Windhoek Alaphia Wright said the workshops are an opportunity to advance policy dialogue on women and men in the southern African media.
"As you know, the UNESCO Communication and Information Sector works specifically towards the increase of Gender perspectives in media content," he noted.
Wright said these priorities are also reflected in other UN agencies' contribution towards increased awareness and capacity building to protect the rights of women and girls.
He said gender equality is a fundamental human right, a commonly-shared value and a necessary condition for the achievement of the internationally-agreed development objectives, including all of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
According to Wright, UNESCO believes that all forms of discrimination on the basis of gender are violations of human rights, and are a significant barrier to peace, sustainable development and the achievement of all internationally-recognised development goals.
"With this in mind," he said, "UNESCO has designated gender as one of the organisation's two global priorities in its Medium-Term Strategy for 2008-2013." He said in UNESCO, these priorities are supported by a dual approach, which consists of gender mainstreaming and gender-specific programming that promotes three main outcomes at the organisations level.
"Women empowerment and gender equality in SADC member States has advanced through policy dialogue and programmes promoted by UNESCO, and such commitment to gender equality has been institutionalised in the Secretariat," said Wright.
The UNESCO Director said the media, as partners, must ensure that women's rights are publicly advocated and that gender is mainstreamed in all information, communication, media policies, programmes, laws and training.
-- BERNAMA
NARTH News: New Lesbian Parenting Study Makes Claims Unsupported by the Evidence
New Lesbian Parenting Study Makes Claims Unsupported by the Evidence
A. Dean Byrd, PhD, MBA,MPH
The National Longitudinal Lesbian Family Study (NLLFS) published byAmerican Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) offers the following conclusion: "Adolescents who have been reared in lesbian-mother families since birth demonstrate healthy psychological adjustment (p. 28)."
Authors Gartrell and Bos generalize their findings to the lesbian population at large, claiming their research offers "implications for --same-sex parenting" (p. 28).
Making an enormous scientific leap, they conclude that their study provides scientific proof that there is "no justification for restricting access to reproductive technologies or child custody on the basis of the sexual orientation of the parents" (p. 34-35).
Implied, though not stated, is the notion that fathers are not necessary or important for the healthy development of children. This implication is a throwback to an article published in the American Psychologist in 1999 titled "Deconstructing the Essential Father." Like the authors of the American Psychologist article, Gartrell and Bos are on record as activists seeking public support for homosexual parenting.
However, a cursory review of this study (funded by the Gill Foundation and the Lesbian Health Fund of the Gay, Lesbian Medical Association) demonstrates significant flaws that most first-year graduate students would quickly recognize. Any reasonable observer would easily conclude that the authors overstated their findings and that in this instance, whatever external review process was utilized, was inadequate. Consider the following:
1. The problems inherent in any self-report study. The lesbian mothers' own reports that their children were well-adjusted were accepted by the study's authors uncritically. The authors should have clarified the limitation and usefulness of such qualitative, self-reported data in light of the fact that the lesbian parents knew that the study would be used to further their political cause; in contrast, the control group had no idea how their reports would be used. In addition, most mothers, lesbian or not, would likely report their children's adjustment in a favorable light. Outside observers such as the child's teachers or counselors, if consulted, could have offered a different perspective.
2. The lesbian parents were hardly typical parents: 93% were Caucasian. Most were college-educated (67%). Most were middle/upper class (82%). Eighty-five per cent were in professional or managerial roles. The control sample, however, had significantly more minorities; many more children from the South; they were very different in race composition and socioeconomic status; and the educational level of these mothers was unclear. A statistical adjustment for these differences could have been easily addressed. Had these differences been controlled, they might have been reduced, been proven negligible, or perhaps reversed.
3. The sample was far from random. Participants were recruited from gay and lesbian venues (i.e., lesbian pride events and lesbian newspapers in three major metropolitan areas--Boston, Washington. D.C. and San Francisco). Although the authors acknowledge the non-randomness of their subject pool and the potential problems this situation could pose, this limitation did not seem to limit their conclusions. As a result, a very strong case could be made for selection bias having invalidated the findings.
Despite the obvious study flaws, the authors offer the following generalization: "The NLLFS adolescents are well-adjusted, demonstrating more competencies and fewer behavioral problems than their peers in the normative American population (p.34)."
Notably absent was data about the sexual orientation of the adolescents or the preferences or expectations for the adolescents' sexual orientation (some of this data was, in fact, collected for the 10-year study). Was this data collected and simply dismissed?
Remarkably, the authors report that the relationship-dissolution rate for the lesbian couples was 48% at the 10-year mark and 56% at the 17-year mark. (The average duration of the relationship prior to dissolution was 12 years.) When compared to the relationship-dissolution rates of the biological heterosexual sisters of the lesbians, the rate of relationship breakup is nearly double for the lesbians.
Is the reader to conclude that dissolution of the parents' relationship has no effect upon the adjustment of the adolescents? This conclusion hardly fits the existing research.
Other research, perhaps even more interesting, was released about the same time as the NLLFS study-- research conducted by Marquardt, Glenn and Clark, titled, "My Daddy's Name is 'Donor': A New Study of Young Adults Conceived Through Sperm Donation." The authors' conclusions included the following troubling negative factors: on average, young adults conceived through artificial insemination were more confused, felt more isolated from their families, were experiencing more psychic pain, and fared worse than a matched group of children who were conceived naturally in areas such as depression, delinquency and substance abuse. And the list goes on.
No research was cited in the Gartrell and Bos study regarding the outcomes of children conceived through sperm donation, when compared to children conceived through the natural union of a man and a woman. The authors address the issue of donor status in a very cursory fashion, almost dismissively.
It seems an interesting coincidence that earlier this year, another paper authored by Biblarz and Stacey (2010) offered a similar conclusion to that of Gartrell and Bos: "In fact, based strictly on the published science, one could argue that two women parent better on average than a woman and a man, or at least than a woman and a man with a traditional division of labor (p.17)."
Based on these two papers, could one really conclude that a double dose of mothering is superior to a mother and a father? If a double dose of mothering is superior to mother and a father, would it follow that a double dose of mothering is vastly superior to and actually contraindicates the placement of children in homes where mothering is absent (i.e., gay men)?
Nowhere do Gartrell and Bos cite the extensive research demonstrating the importance of gender complementarity to the healthy development of children. Nowhere do these authors cite the extensive, peer-reviewed literature on the importance of both mothering and fathering for the healthy development of children.
To Gartrell and Bos's credit, they do identify some of the reasons for what appears to be politically-motivated conclusions: "The study has implications - -or the expert testimony provided by pediatricians on lesbian mother custody, and for public policies concerning same-sex parenting. (p. 34)."
What seems clear is that the flaws in this study render it unsuitable for anything other than the following brief description: "interesting." Gartrell and Blos' conclusions don't rise to the level of support for lesbian parenting that they would like. Certainly, this study does not merit inclusion in any expert witness testimony nor does it rise to the level of policy implications. Until, such limitations are addressed and more rigorous research conducted, the sought after conclusions stated by the authors are without substantial scientific support.
Perhaps the study would be better titled, "Preconceived Conclusions Seeking Research Support" or "Activism Masquerading as Science: A Study Suitable for Scrutiny by Beginning Graduate Students."
Silverstein and Auerbach, authors of the "Deconstructing Fathers" article, offered the following disclaimer: "We acknowledge that our reading of the scientific literature supports our political agenda. Our goal is to generate public-policy initiatives that support men in their fathering role, without discriminating against women and same-sex couples. We are also interested in encouraging public policy that supports the legitimacy of diverse family structures, rather than privileging the two-parent, heterosexual, married family." (p. 399).
The same could be said of this study. Gartrell and Bos should have offered the same disclaimer as Silverstein and Auerbach. But they did not.
References:
Biblarz, T.J. & Stacey, J. (2010). "How does the gender of parents matter?" Journal of Marriage and Family, February, p. 3-22.
Gartrell, N. and Bos, H. (2010). "US National Longitudinal Lesbian Family Study: Psychological Adjustment of 17-Year-Old Adolescents," Pediatrics, Volume 126, Number 1, July 2010 p. 28-36.
Marquardt, E., Glenn, & Clark, K. "My daddy's name is donor." New York: Institute for American Values, p. 1-135.
Silverstein, L.B., & Auerbach, C. F. (1999). "Deconstructing the essential father," American Psychologist, 54, 6, p. 397-407.
A. Dean Byrd, PhD, MBA,MPH
The National Longitudinal Lesbian Family Study (NLLFS) published byAmerican Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) offers the following conclusion: "Adolescents who have been reared in lesbian-mother families since birth demonstrate healthy psychological adjustment (p. 28)."
Authors Gartrell and Bos generalize their findings to the lesbian population at large, claiming their research offers "implications for --same-sex parenting" (p. 28).
Making an enormous scientific leap, they conclude that their study provides scientific proof that there is "no justification for restricting access to reproductive technologies or child custody on the basis of the sexual orientation of the parents" (p. 34-35).
Implied, though not stated, is the notion that fathers are not necessary or important for the healthy development of children. This implication is a throwback to an article published in the American Psychologist in 1999 titled "Deconstructing the Essential Father." Like the authors of the American Psychologist article, Gartrell and Bos are on record as activists seeking public support for homosexual parenting.
However, a cursory review of this study (funded by the Gill Foundation and the Lesbian Health Fund of the Gay, Lesbian Medical Association) demonstrates significant flaws that most first-year graduate students would quickly recognize. Any reasonable observer would easily conclude that the authors overstated their findings and that in this instance, whatever external review process was utilized, was inadequate. Consider the following:
1. The problems inherent in any self-report study. The lesbian mothers' own reports that their children were well-adjusted were accepted by the study's authors uncritically. The authors should have clarified the limitation and usefulness of such qualitative, self-reported data in light of the fact that the lesbian parents knew that the study would be used to further their political cause; in contrast, the control group had no idea how their reports would be used. In addition, most mothers, lesbian or not, would likely report their children's adjustment in a favorable light. Outside observers such as the child's teachers or counselors, if consulted, could have offered a different perspective.
2. The lesbian parents were hardly typical parents: 93% were Caucasian. Most were college-educated (67%). Most were middle/upper class (82%). Eighty-five per cent were in professional or managerial roles. The control sample, however, had significantly more minorities; many more children from the South; they were very different in race composition and socioeconomic status; and the educational level of these mothers was unclear. A statistical adjustment for these differences could have been easily addressed. Had these differences been controlled, they might have been reduced, been proven negligible, or perhaps reversed.
3. The sample was far from random. Participants were recruited from gay and lesbian venues (i.e., lesbian pride events and lesbian newspapers in three major metropolitan areas--Boston, Washington. D.C. and San Francisco). Although the authors acknowledge the non-randomness of their subject pool and the potential problems this situation could pose, this limitation did not seem to limit their conclusions. As a result, a very strong case could be made for selection bias having invalidated the findings.
Despite the obvious study flaws, the authors offer the following generalization: "The NLLFS adolescents are well-adjusted, demonstrating more competencies and fewer behavioral problems than their peers in the normative American population (p.34)."
Notably absent was data about the sexual orientation of the adolescents or the preferences or expectations for the adolescents' sexual orientation (some of this data was, in fact, collected for the 10-year study). Was this data collected and simply dismissed?
Remarkably, the authors report that the relationship-dissolution rate for the lesbian couples was 48% at the 10-year mark and 56% at the 17-year mark. (The average duration of the relationship prior to dissolution was 12 years.) When compared to the relationship-dissolution rates of the biological heterosexual sisters of the lesbians, the rate of relationship breakup is nearly double for the lesbians.
Is the reader to conclude that dissolution of the parents' relationship has no effect upon the adjustment of the adolescents? This conclusion hardly fits the existing research.
Other research, perhaps even more interesting, was released about the same time as the NLLFS study-- research conducted by Marquardt, Glenn and Clark, titled, "My Daddy's Name is 'Donor': A New Study of Young Adults Conceived Through Sperm Donation." The authors' conclusions included the following troubling negative factors: on average, young adults conceived through artificial insemination were more confused, felt more isolated from their families, were experiencing more psychic pain, and fared worse than a matched group of children who were conceived naturally in areas such as depression, delinquency and substance abuse. And the list goes on.
No research was cited in the Gartrell and Bos study regarding the outcomes of children conceived through sperm donation, when compared to children conceived through the natural union of a man and a woman. The authors address the issue of donor status in a very cursory fashion, almost dismissively.
It seems an interesting coincidence that earlier this year, another paper authored by Biblarz and Stacey (2010) offered a similar conclusion to that of Gartrell and Bos: "In fact, based strictly on the published science, one could argue that two women parent better on average than a woman and a man, or at least than a woman and a man with a traditional division of labor (p.17)."
Based on these two papers, could one really conclude that a double dose of mothering is superior to a mother and a father? If a double dose of mothering is superior to mother and a father, would it follow that a double dose of mothering is vastly superior to and actually contraindicates the placement of children in homes where mothering is absent (i.e., gay men)?
Nowhere do Gartrell and Bos cite the extensive research demonstrating the importance of gender complementarity to the healthy development of children. Nowhere do these authors cite the extensive, peer-reviewed literature on the importance of both mothering and fathering for the healthy development of children.
To Gartrell and Bos's credit, they do identify some of the reasons for what appears to be politically-motivated conclusions: "The study has implications - -or the expert testimony provided by pediatricians on lesbian mother custody, and for public policies concerning same-sex parenting. (p. 34)."
What seems clear is that the flaws in this study render it unsuitable for anything other than the following brief description: "interesting." Gartrell and Blos' conclusions don't rise to the level of support for lesbian parenting that they would like. Certainly, this study does not merit inclusion in any expert witness testimony nor does it rise to the level of policy implications. Until, such limitations are addressed and more rigorous research conducted, the sought after conclusions stated by the authors are without substantial scientific support.
Perhaps the study would be better titled, "Preconceived Conclusions Seeking Research Support" or "Activism Masquerading as Science: A Study Suitable for Scrutiny by Beginning Graduate Students."
Silverstein and Auerbach, authors of the "Deconstructing Fathers" article, offered the following disclaimer: "We acknowledge that our reading of the scientific literature supports our political agenda. Our goal is to generate public-policy initiatives that support men in their fathering role, without discriminating against women and same-sex couples. We are also interested in encouraging public policy that supports the legitimacy of diverse family structures, rather than privileging the two-parent, heterosexual, married family." (p. 399).
The same could be said of this study. Gartrell and Bos should have offered the same disclaimer as Silverstein and Auerbach. But they did not.
References:
Biblarz, T.J. & Stacey, J. (2010). "How does the gender of parents matter?" Journal of Marriage and Family, February, p. 3-22.
Gartrell, N. and Bos, H. (2010). "US National Longitudinal Lesbian Family Study: Psychological Adjustment of 17-Year-Old Adolescents," Pediatrics, Volume 126, Number 1, July 2010 p. 28-36.
Marquardt, E., Glenn, & Clark, K. "My daddy's name is donor." New York: Institute for American Values, p. 1-135.
Silverstein, L.B., & Auerbach, C. F. (1999). "Deconstructing the essential father," American Psychologist, 54, 6, p. 397-407.
From London: Protest the Pope public meeting - 12 August
Join us in opposing the Pope's intolerant policies
Thursday 12 August
7.30pm
Richmond Library, Old Town Hall
Whittaker Ave
Richmond, TW9 1TP
(nearest station: Richmond underground and national rail)
All welcome.
The Pope's first event in London, on the 17 September, will be at St Mary's University College in Twickenham, south west London. The pontiff will talk about his views on education, which have included his support for separate faith schools and the right of these schools to discriminate in their admissions policy and their recruitment of staff. .
"The Protest the Pope campaign rejects the promotion of religiously segregated education. We believe in the right of all children to an unbiased education, where school admission policies are non-discriminatory and where there is no discrimination in recruitment and employment," said Protest the Pope spokesperson, the human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell.
"Protest the Pope is supporting a coalition of local groups and people, based in south west London, who have organised a public meeting to express their disagreement with Pope Benedict's opposition to women's rights, gay equality, fertility treatment for childless couples, embryonic stem cell research and the use of condoms to prevent the spread of HIV," added Mr Tatchell.
The public meeting will take place this Thursday 12 August at Richmond Library, Old Town Hall, Whittaker Ave, Richmond, TW9 1TP
It will start at 7.30pm, with speeches from spokespersons for the Protest the Pope campaign, followed by a Q and A.
The meeting is open to the public. All welcome.
The speakers are:
David Pollock, President of the European Humanist Federation, will talk about the Catholic Church's influence at European level as a result of the Lisbon treaty.
Keith Porteous Wood, Chief Executive of the National Secular Society, will talk about the pressure growing at the United Nations on the Vatican, which is failing to produce a report on child protection...
Terry Sanderson, President of the National Secular Society, will talk about the "Protest the Pope" Campaign and the six main reasons why we are against against honouring Joseph Ratzinger with a State Visit.
Peter Tatchell, human rights campaigner, will talk about Catholic dissent from the Pope's hardline, intolerant opposition to liberation theology, women's rights, gay equality, contraception, fertility treatment, embryonic stem cell research and the Pope's collusion with Holocaust deniers and appeasers.
See the Facebook event for more information and to tell us you're coming!
Note: The main entrance to the Old Town Hall is from Whittaker Avenue, up a flight of stone steps. The building has disabled access off Whittaker Avenue, next to the entrance to the Information Centre.
More information:
Peter Tatchell - 0207 403 1790
Marco Tranchino - 07806 647 903
Thursday 12 August
7.30pm
Richmond Library, Old Town Hall
Whittaker Ave
Richmond, TW9 1TP
(nearest station: Richmond underground and national rail)
All welcome.
The Pope's first event in London, on the 17 September, will be at St Mary's University College in Twickenham, south west London. The pontiff will talk about his views on education, which have included his support for separate faith schools and the right of these schools to discriminate in their admissions policy and their recruitment of staff. .
"The Protest the Pope campaign rejects the promotion of religiously segregated education. We believe in the right of all children to an unbiased education, where school admission policies are non-discriminatory and where there is no discrimination in recruitment and employment," said Protest the Pope spokesperson, the human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell.
"Protest the Pope is supporting a coalition of local groups and people, based in south west London, who have organised a public meeting to express their disagreement with Pope Benedict's opposition to women's rights, gay equality, fertility treatment for childless couples, embryonic stem cell research and the use of condoms to prevent the spread of HIV," added Mr Tatchell.
The public meeting will take place this Thursday 12 August at Richmond Library, Old Town Hall, Whittaker Ave, Richmond, TW9 1TP
It will start at 7.30pm, with speeches from spokespersons for the Protest the Pope campaign, followed by a Q and A.
The meeting is open to the public. All welcome.
The speakers are:
David Pollock, President of the European Humanist Federation, will talk about the Catholic Church's influence at European level as a result of the Lisbon treaty.
Keith Porteous Wood, Chief Executive of the National Secular Society, will talk about the pressure growing at the United Nations on the Vatican, which is failing to produce a report on child protection...
Terry Sanderson, President of the National Secular Society, will talk about the "Protest the Pope" Campaign and the six main reasons why we are against against honouring Joseph Ratzinger with a State Visit.
Peter Tatchell, human rights campaigner, will talk about Catholic dissent from the Pope's hardline, intolerant opposition to liberation theology, women's rights, gay equality, contraception, fertility treatment, embryonic stem cell research and the Pope's collusion with Holocaust deniers and appeasers.
See the Facebook event for more information and to tell us you're coming!
Note: The main entrance to the Old Town Hall is from Whittaker Avenue, up a flight of stone steps. The building has disabled access off Whittaker Avenue, next to the entrance to the Information Centre.
More information:
Peter Tatchell - 0207 403 1790
Marco Tranchino - 07806 647 903
Dell Streak: Too Little, Too Late (Source:Yahoo News)
The Dell Streak tablet-smartphone crossover goes on pre-sale today, tackling Apple's iPad, iPod Touch, and iPhone devices in one go. The Streak, however, sends mixed messages regarding its size, price, and viability as a replacement to any of your Apple devices. So, can it make the cut?
The Streak arrives in the U.S. after several delays (it was available two months ago in Europe), and will cost $300 with a two-year AT&T contract, or $550 without. It has a 5-inch touchscreen, works as a phone as well, and comes with Google's Android 1.6 mobile operating system. In a nutshell: too little, too late. Here's why.
Most high-end smartphones now come at $200 with a two-year contract. That includes the Apple iPhone 4, the Motorola Droid X and upcoming Droid 2, or the BlackBerry Torch. The Streak, which serves as a smartphone as well, comes in at $300, its 5-inch screen is only 0.7-inch larger that of the Droid X, and the resolution is lower than iPhone 4's 3.5-inch Retina display.
On the tablet front, the Streak doesn't fare any better either. It's $50 more expensive than the cheapest iPad, when bought unlocked as a tablet. Price difference aside, the streak's screen is only half as large as the iPad's. What the Streak has over the iPad is the 5-megapixel camera on the back, and a front-facing VGA camera.
When compared to the iPod Touch, the Dell Streak is $100 more expensive, if you want to use it as a multimedia device. Of course, the iPod touch lacks dual cameras and 3G capabilities. Darin Fireball's John Gruber threw a bone speculating that Apple will release a dual-camera, Retina display-laden iPod Touch next month, making the Streak irrelevant if this proves to be true.
Software-wise, Dell's Streak will come with a year-old version of Google Android OS, namely 1.6. The current version of Android is 2.2, and it already started to trickle down to several smartphones using the OS. Dell said it will offer an over-the-air upgrade to Android 2.2 "later this year," but gave no specific date.
The Dell Streak's screen size is too big for the device to be used as a smartphone (it would cover half of your face when talking), but yet too small in comparison to other tablets on the market.
The pricing of the Streak doesn't help Dell either, as it's more expensive than a phone, or a tablet as well. The software on the Streak is ancient in comparison to Android smartphones on sale now, and the AT&T-only contract could set off some of the users who want to avoid the iPhone-clogged network.
The Streak arrives in the U.S. after several delays (it was available two months ago in Europe), and will cost $300 with a two-year AT&T contract, or $550 without. It has a 5-inch touchscreen, works as a phone as well, and comes with Google's Android 1.6 mobile operating system. In a nutshell: too little, too late. Here's why.
Most high-end smartphones now come at $200 with a two-year contract. That includes the Apple iPhone 4, the Motorola Droid X and upcoming Droid 2, or the BlackBerry Torch. The Streak, which serves as a smartphone as well, comes in at $300, its 5-inch screen is only 0.7-inch larger that of the Droid X, and the resolution is lower than iPhone 4's 3.5-inch Retina display.
On the tablet front, the Streak doesn't fare any better either. It's $50 more expensive than the cheapest iPad, when bought unlocked as a tablet. Price difference aside, the streak's screen is only half as large as the iPad's. What the Streak has over the iPad is the 5-megapixel camera on the back, and a front-facing VGA camera.
When compared to the iPod Touch, the Dell Streak is $100 more expensive, if you want to use it as a multimedia device. Of course, the iPod touch lacks dual cameras and 3G capabilities. Darin Fireball's John Gruber threw a bone speculating that Apple will release a dual-camera, Retina display-laden iPod Touch next month, making the Streak irrelevant if this proves to be true.
Software-wise, Dell's Streak will come with a year-old version of Google Android OS, namely 1.6. The current version of Android is 2.2, and it already started to trickle down to several smartphones using the OS. Dell said it will offer an over-the-air upgrade to Android 2.2 "later this year," but gave no specific date.
The Dell Streak's screen size is too big for the device to be used as a smartphone (it would cover half of your face when talking), but yet too small in comparison to other tablets on the market.
The pricing of the Streak doesn't help Dell either, as it's more expensive than a phone, or a tablet as well. The software on the Streak is ancient in comparison to Android smartphones on sale now, and the AT&T-only contract could set off some of the users who want to avoid the iPhone-clogged network.
Thursday, August 5, 2010
UGANDA: Online editor accused of sedition
Nairobi, August 4, 2010—Police accused the online editor of The Ugandan Record, Timothy Kalyegira, of sedition Tuesday and searched his house today, Kalyegira told the Committee to Protect Journalists. The Media Offences Department commissioner of police, Simon Kuteesa, interrogated Kalyegira about two online articles that speculated as to whether the Ugandan government were involved in the July 11 bomb attacks in Kampala.
Summoned on Monday, Kalyegira has reported to the police daily since and said he accompanied them while they searched his home today. Police confiscated his laptop, modem, passport, notes, and mobile phone. He was told to return to the Kiro Road Police Station in Bukoto, a suburb of the capital, Kampala, on Friday, he said.
The police Media Offence Department, which is part of the Criminal Investigations Department, have accused Kalyegira of violating the colonial-era penal code by publishing seditious material. Defense lawyer Ladisleus Rwakafuuzi told CPJ the police cannot legally charge Kalyegira under this law since it does not take into consideration online publications. “This law is not up-to-date,” Rwakafuuzi said. “They have no legal mandate for this since the Ugandan Record is not a newspaper.”
According to the Ugandan Human Rights Network of Journalists, more than a dozen Ugandan journalists are currently being prosecuted under the sedition law. Kalyegira is the first online journalist accused of sedition in Uganda, according to the daily Monitor. In 2005, former CPJ International Press Freedom Award winner Andrew Mwenda, managing editor of bimonthly newsmagazine The Independent, challenged the constitutionality of the sedition law. The case is still pending.
“Regardless of the nature of the article, sedition charges are never justified,” said CPJ East Africa Consultant Tom Rhodes. “We call on the authorities to return Timothy Kalyegira’s equipment.”
The Uganda Record is one of the few Ugandan media outlets that questioned whether the July 11 bomb blasts were instigated by Somali insurgent group Al-Shabaab, Kalyegira told CPJ. The site published an article on July 12, “Who set off the Uganda Bombs?” and another July 16, “Why is Rwanda not condemning Al-Shabab?” that says: “Rwandan intelligence officers that Uganda Record sources have spoken to seem to believe that the bombings were by Ugandan intelligence.” The article provided no evidence for the allegations.
Al-Shabaab claimed responsibility for two July 11 bomb blasts in Kampala that left an estimated 76 people dead. An Al-Shabaab spokesman said it was retribution for Uganda’s participation in the African Union peacekeeping forces based in Somalia’s capital, Mogadishu.
Summoned on Monday, Kalyegira has reported to the police daily since and said he accompanied them while they searched his home today. Police confiscated his laptop, modem, passport, notes, and mobile phone. He was told to return to the Kiro Road Police Station in Bukoto, a suburb of the capital, Kampala, on Friday, he said.
The police Media Offence Department, which is part of the Criminal Investigations Department, have accused Kalyegira of violating the colonial-era penal code by publishing seditious material. Defense lawyer Ladisleus Rwakafuuzi told CPJ the police cannot legally charge Kalyegira under this law since it does not take into consideration online publications. “This law is not up-to-date,” Rwakafuuzi said. “They have no legal mandate for this since the Ugandan Record is not a newspaper.”
According to the Ugandan Human Rights Network of Journalists, more than a dozen Ugandan journalists are currently being prosecuted under the sedition law. Kalyegira is the first online journalist accused of sedition in Uganda, according to the daily Monitor. In 2005, former CPJ International Press Freedom Award winner Andrew Mwenda, managing editor of bimonthly newsmagazine The Independent, challenged the constitutionality of the sedition law. The case is still pending.
“Regardless of the nature of the article, sedition charges are never justified,” said CPJ East Africa Consultant Tom Rhodes. “We call on the authorities to return Timothy Kalyegira’s equipment.”
The Uganda Record is one of the few Ugandan media outlets that questioned whether the July 11 bomb blasts were instigated by Somali insurgent group Al-Shabaab, Kalyegira told CPJ. The site published an article on July 12, “Who set off the Uganda Bombs?” and another July 16, “Why is Rwanda not condemning Al-Shabab?” that says: “Rwandan intelligence officers that Uganda Record sources have spoken to seem to believe that the bombings were by Ugandan intelligence.” The article provided no evidence for the allegations.
Al-Shabaab claimed responsibility for two July 11 bomb blasts in Kampala that left an estimated 76 people dead. An Al-Shabaab spokesman said it was retribution for Uganda’s participation in the African Union peacekeeping forces based in Somalia’s capital, Mogadishu.
Monday, August 2, 2010
Take the Acid Test for Islamophobia
July 28, 2010
A favorite comeback for someone who is critical of Islam is—you are Islamophobic. Never mind that the term phobic means an irrational fear. Really, the charge is that you are irrational AND a bigot. A bigot is immoral and a hater and has no possible reason for their views.
There is a cure for bigotry. If you are a bigot, learning about the subject of bigotry can cure it. Clint Eastwood’s character in Grand Torino started out as a bigot about the Hmong Vietnamese who moved in next door. As he got to know them, he changed and gave the ultimate sacrifice of his life to help them. The cure for his bigotry was getting to know more about his neighbors, the Hmong.
Notice this does not say that as you get to know them, you will always like them better. There are people and groups that the more you know them, the less you like them. As you see what they do and how they think, you may actually start to fear them. Not being a bigot doesn’t mean that you love everybody and what they do. In the sixties, the Black Panthers had a revolutionary, “stick it to the man”, image that was cool. However, the more you got to know them and see what they did, you learned that the Panthers were serious racist thugs and dangerous to society. So just because someone is “oppressed” does not mean that they are decent people.
Want to see if you are an Islamophobe? Let’s presume that you don’t like Islamic doctrine, Sharia law as an example, and would like to take the test to see if you are a bigot. Remember, if you are a bigot, then the more you get to know Islam, the better you will feel.
Here are some concepts from Islamic doctrine, so that you can understand it better. Islam says that non-Muslims are Kafirs. Allah hates Kafirs and He even plots against them. Kafirs can be tortured, deceived, enslaved, crucified, raped and robbed. How important are Kafirs to Islam? Islam has three sacred texts: Koran, Sira (life of Mohammed) and Hadith (his traditions). Look at how much of Islam is devoted to the Kafir:
If the Kafir is “bad”, then there is a lot of “bad”. How does your cultural sensitivity feel now? Feel any closer to Islam, any less afraid?
Maybe, you need a little more exposure to become warmer towards Islam. Jihad should cure your ills. Isn’t the jihad thing overblown? There are only a few verses about that, aren’t there? Look at the statistics:
Now that you are learning more about Islam, are your fears subsiding?
Still afraid? Every Muslim will tell you that Islam was the first ideology to give women their rights. If we take everything that is written about women in the Koran and rank it according to whether the woman is held in high status, equal status and lower status, we find:
How does the women’s issue strike you? Are you feeling more simpatico? Less Islamophobic?
So, you took the Islamophobia test. Now that you know Islam better, do you now understand and realize that your Islamophobia was bigoted hatred?
Surely, this test is biased. There must be some goodness in Islam for Kafirs. If you go through the Koran and pick out every single verse that offers good words, doesn’t that prove that Islam is good?
If every single verse that seems to promise good to Kafirs is counted up, then 2.6% of the verses offer good to Kafirs. But, wait! There is that contradiction and abrogation contradiction principle. The Koran is filled with verses that contradict each other and in every case of good verses, the 2.6%, are cancelled or abrogated, by later verses. The net result is 0%, nothing, is unmitigated good in the Koran for the Kafir.
You have finished the Islamophobe Test. Feel closer to Islam? Or more afraid? If you feel closer and warmer about Islam, then you were Islamophobic, but now you are cured. If not, then your fears are real, not a phobia. Islam is like the Black Panthers—the more you know, the less you like and the more you are afraid.
A favorite comeback for someone who is critical of Islam is—you are Islamophobic. Never mind that the term phobic means an irrational fear. Really, the charge is that you are irrational AND a bigot. A bigot is immoral and a hater and has no possible reason for their views.
There is a cure for bigotry. If you are a bigot, learning about the subject of bigotry can cure it. Clint Eastwood’s character in Grand Torino started out as a bigot about the Hmong Vietnamese who moved in next door. As he got to know them, he changed and gave the ultimate sacrifice of his life to help them. The cure for his bigotry was getting to know more about his neighbors, the Hmong.
Notice this does not say that as you get to know them, you will always like them better. There are people and groups that the more you know them, the less you like them. As you see what they do and how they think, you may actually start to fear them. Not being a bigot doesn’t mean that you love everybody and what they do. In the sixties, the Black Panthers had a revolutionary, “stick it to the man”, image that was cool. However, the more you got to know them and see what they did, you learned that the Panthers were serious racist thugs and dangerous to society. So just because someone is “oppressed” does not mean that they are decent people.
Want to see if you are an Islamophobe? Let’s presume that you don’t like Islamic doctrine, Sharia law as an example, and would like to take the test to see if you are a bigot. Remember, if you are a bigot, then the more you get to know Islam, the better you will feel.
Here are some concepts from Islamic doctrine, so that you can understand it better. Islam says that non-Muslims are Kafirs. Allah hates Kafirs and He even plots against them. Kafirs can be tortured, deceived, enslaved, crucified, raped and robbed. How important are Kafirs to Islam? Islam has three sacred texts: Koran, Sira (life of Mohammed) and Hadith (his traditions). Look at how much of Islam is devoted to the Kafir:
If the Kafir is “bad”, then there is a lot of “bad”. How does your cultural sensitivity feel now? Feel any closer to Islam, any less afraid?
Maybe, you need a little more exposure to become warmer towards Islam. Jihad should cure your ills. Isn’t the jihad thing overblown? There are only a few verses about that, aren’t there? Look at the statistics:
Now that you are learning more about Islam, are your fears subsiding?
Still afraid? Every Muslim will tell you that Islam was the first ideology to give women their rights. If we take everything that is written about women in the Koran and rank it according to whether the woman is held in high status, equal status and lower status, we find:
How does the women’s issue strike you? Are you feeling more simpatico? Less Islamophobic?
So, you took the Islamophobia test. Now that you know Islam better, do you now understand and realize that your Islamophobia was bigoted hatred?
Surely, this test is biased. There must be some goodness in Islam for Kafirs. If you go through the Koran and pick out every single verse that offers good words, doesn’t that prove that Islam is good?
If every single verse that seems to promise good to Kafirs is counted up, then 2.6% of the verses offer good to Kafirs. But, wait! There is that contradiction and abrogation contradiction principle. The Koran is filled with verses that contradict each other and in every case of good verses, the 2.6%, are cancelled or abrogated, by later verses. The net result is 0%, nothing, is unmitigated good in the Koran for the Kafir.
You have finished the Islamophobe Test. Feel closer to Islam? Or more afraid? If you feel closer and warmer about Islam, then you were Islamophobic, but now you are cured. If not, then your fears are real, not a phobia. Islam is like the Black Panthers—the more you know, the less you like and the more you are afraid.
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