It's a big'Thank you' to Students at Martin Luther University of Halle-Wittenberg in Germany for protesting on Tuesday in solidarity with Chancellor College and Polytechnic students.
As you can see, President Bingu wa Mutharika's government is losing direction.
Congrats, also, the opposition in Botswana for showing Mutharika that gone is the time African leaders ruled with impunity.
Freedom is not coming tomorrow; it is here (today).
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Thursday, April 7, 2011
Tuesday, April 5, 2011
Peter Mutharika's tactics, like Bingu wa Mutharika-like-Joyce Banda, Industry players' foresight
Signs on the ground, and on Prof. Peter Mutharika's face, are that he is not interested in running for Malawi's presidency in 2014.
When Speaker of the National Assembly, Henry Chimunthu-Banda, openly endorsed his (Peter's) Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) candidacy late 2010, Peter neither smiled nor winced: he merely headed towards the exit door of the New Parliament Building in Lilongwe, collapsed at the back of his Green Toyota VX, and signaled to his chaffeur to put foot (sorry, his shoes, which covered the driver's feet) to the plates!
It was the same case with Eastern Region DPP Governor, Noel Masangwi. For a start, Masangwi was the first DPP official to come in the open and declare his support for Peter- albeit in gender-insensitive fashion when he enthused (rather, declared) that Malawi was not ready for a female president.
This was in direct reference to Vice-President Joyce Banda- now sacked from the DPP and in the process of registering her own political institution, the People's Party. The formation of the People's Party puts Banda afoot with President Bingu wa Mutharika: Bingu went into power on a United Democratic Front (UDF) ticket, but dumped it on February 5, 2005 to form his own party, the DPP.
It was like, in the words of former UDF Spokesperson and Speaker of the National Assembly Sam Mpasu, "getting into government in order to form a political party".
Normally, one (or a group of like-minded individuals) forms a political party to get into government; that is, if you are not standing as an independent presidential candidate.
But here was Bingu wa Mutharika; a Bingu wa Mutharika who went into government to form a political party!
Now, Joyce Banda is proving to be a fast learner.
Bingu snatched Banda from obscurity in 2008. After all, Banda had plucked a few feathers earlier, when she resigned as DPP Secretary General, but clung to her Minister of Foreign Affairs post. DPP party zealots did not know what she was up to.
Some thought she was not dedicated to the party; and cited her decision to stay put as Minister as good enough reason that she was 'money-minded'.
After all, government positions pay; and pay well- party politicking does not.At least in the Malawi set up.
However, from Banda's apparent obscurity rises a woman who becomes a hard nut to crack for the DPP cohorts. Consequently, the party's National Governing Council (NGC), at a meeting chaired by Bingu wa Mutharika (the man who took her away from Mr. Obscurity to kiss Mr. Limelight), fired her alongside DPP Second-Vice President Khumbo Kachali.
Banda was DPP's First-Vice President at the time of her dismissal.When the likes of former Finance Minister Goodall Gondwe later defended the DPP's decision, saying Banda and Kachali "were busy erecting parallel party structures and planting their own people in strategic party positions", many thought Banda would go into full-time farming, leaving politics to the 'real' politicians.
But Banda has been hardened by politics, in a way, having served as Director of Gender Affairs in United Democratic Front, Minister of Gender, among other party and government positions prior to 2004.
So, Banda did no rest, or give up on her 'hidden' (what is hidden is not always burried; the aim of hiding is to protect and not forget) political ambitions. She set them abraze. People's Party is the smoke from that braze!
Banda, in proving to be a fast learner, is now forming a political party while in government. As Vice-President, Banda is strategically better-placed to take over from Bingu (in case one of the things stipulated in the Republican Constitution, including the development of an unsound mind, incapacitation), and chop Peter Mutharika, Symon Vuwa-Kaunda, among other vocal and strategically placed officials, from government positions.
That is why it can be safely said that she is forming a political party while in power. In other words, she assumed the auxiliary-reigns of power in order to form a political party!
Like Bingu wa Mutharika, like Joyce Banda indeed.
Of course, Banda- as Vice-President- is yet to surpass Mutharika at making odd decisions. Mutharika is a strange man, a man who dissolves the Malawi Electoral Commission (the High Court ruled in 2010 that MEC is not MEC, it is the Electoral Commission (EC)- if this is December 5, 2010) and re-instates it on March 31, 2011; he okays the arrest of Rev. Nyondo of Livingstonia Synod in August 2010 for 'uttering seditious words' when he said openly that the C.C.A.P Synod would support Banda's candidature, and unilaterally declares that the State should discontinue the case on April 2, 2011 (making himself the executive and judiciary).
He declares that former President Bakili Muluzi, who has been delayed for almost four months from meeting his doctors in South Africa (for dislocated, and later successfully operated on, disks) be allowed to go down South despite an on-going Muluzi challenge in court. Mutharika adds that his decision does not affect any on-going court cases.
How does that not affect them (on-going court cases), when Muluzi was fighting for that very chance: to go to South Africa. To Muluzi, unlike ordinary Malawian citizens who have to endure the pain of throbing ailments while waiting for their foreign-medical-services applications to pass through the country's beaurocratic health system for a go-ahead, it is a right to go to South Africa (or anywhere else in the world) for medical attention.
All this because he was 'lucky-enough' to become Malawi's president; just like First Ladies are 'lucky-enough' to have married a man who was, sooner or later, to become the President of the country. So, the first ladies enjoy so much previleges, apart from eating free food, sleeping in bedrooms and beds they never bothered to buy, among others.
That is why Callista Mutharika is receiving K1.3 million for simply being the Ambassador for Safe Motherhood. The post was earlier held by Vice-President Joyce Banda, and she received nothing for her sweat.
As Mutharika's Spokesperson, Dr. Hetherwick Ntaba, has it; Banda did not deserve a salary. Ntaba said, because Banda was also serving as Vice-President, there was no way she could receive two salaries.
"In government, my brother, you don't receive two salaries. Madam (Callista) Mutharika is not on another salary; she is thus entitled to what she is receiving," said Ntaba.
That is Bingu wa Mutharika for you, a Bingu wa Mutharika UDF Director of Research Humphreys Mvula has described in today's (4 April, 2011) newspapers as a 'dictator'.
A Bingu wa Mutharika who brands himself a democrat, but assents to the draconian Section 46 of the Communications Act, which empowers the Minister of Information to ban any publication deemed anathema to the 'public interest'.
How they define 'public interest', nobody knows; to make matters worse, this definition is left out of the Section, deliberately; to give powers vast enough for the Minister to develop a bloated stomach.
All these are signs of power getting into the bowels of Malawian politicians. And Peter's look, mannerisms, speeches do not seem to offer alternatives, yet.
On Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) Television and Radio, it is Peter all over; no where do you see Banda as Vice-President of Malawi talking sense, or nonsense. That could explain why Banda has sought a court injunctions restraining MBC from saying anything 'Bandash'; that is, related to her. She feels that MBC is out to discredit her, and thinks that gagging the State-broadcaster is the best solution.
If that be so (best decision), what chances do Malawians (read, the Malawi media) have that media institutions (not only mouths) will be muzzled by Banda? The way Mutharika is doing?
While on the issue of Banda's coverage black-out on MBC (the court injunction not withstanding), is it because, as one American columnist once joked, the only serious duty and responsibility of the Vice-President is to represent him or herself at the president's funeral?
It is clear, however, that Peter is being groomed for power.
And people, including strategic businesses, are beginning to read through this very well, and positioning themselves for Peter's (post-2014) world.
Rab Processors Limited has shown this very well. At the opening of its buscuit factory late last month (March), the company's directors gave Peter Mutharika a gift.
It is not known what gift; only that it was announced by the Director of Ceremonies that it was a gift.
Only two people received gifts at the Buscuit Factory launch: President Bingu wa Mutharika and his younger brother, Peter.
Yet, government protocol dictates that the function fel under Industry Minister, Eunice Kazembe. Peter Mutharika was a mere Education, Science and Technology Minister at the function, one of the many obscure, but prominent officials around Rab Processors' premises.
For reasons known to themselves (but reasons well known to political analysts and scientists, and enlightened citizens), the Rab Processors Limited directors chose to honour Bingu and Peter, and shame Kazembe in public.
Why not prepare three gifts, at least, to conceal the company's 'indirect' endorsement of mere aspiring ruling party presidential candidate; one who makes people believe he is being forced?
But nobody should fault the Rab Processors' bosses; they were merely rubbing shoulders with history before it crushes on the entire nation. Or, rather, history was brushing their cheeks, and they couldn't do otherwise but get overwhelmed!
As things are now, it is not Malawi that is the playing ground; the playing ground is the time we are living in.
And this playing ground has become fertile ground. Fertile ground, by its very (innocent and not political) nature is interesting.
To Malawi, the play ground is (has found itself)along a busy road; he road to 2014.
Already, opposition parties have started smelling potatoes where lies the python that swallowed Malawi's last democratic toe. Everywhere, they see conspiracy; sometimes things that are not there. It is part of their zeal to get their voice heard.
Ten years ago, Malawi had toungue-tied opposition political parties. These were political parties that were,largely, on the receiving end of ruling party machinations. They never set the agenda; they just sat on their raulels, waiting for government and ruling parties to make the first move (or, in Malawian political language, 'kill the first Chinese').
So, the ruling party was always calling the shots. The UDF, for instance, could make unsubstantiated claims against an opposition party, or opposition parties, and such a party (or parties would spend much of their time putting water in the fire.
Time that could have been used to constructively criticise government, or ruling parties.
That is, until some four years ago, when the Netherlands-based, and funded, Centre for Multiparty Democracy decided to bring party Spokespersons, General Secretaries, among others, to a drilling session.
The likes of Sam Mpasu attended.
The parties- especially opposition parties- were drilled in how to put ruling parties on the defensive.
Among other things, opposition parties were made to learn that they could make unsubstantiated claims against ruling parties, attack the government on administrative shortfalls,voice out concerns, where necessary, and make them appear as if they contain the conscience of the whole nation (even when such concerns benefit only the opposition parties, and not the entire population).
It is after this 'brain-beating' that the opposition in Malawi begun to speak. The Mpasus because a thorn in the 'dried-fresh' (how can fresh be dry; after all, is it self-explanatory that it is fresh?)of government. The general perception at the time was that government was a roaming wild animal with a thick skin; with constant beating and whipping, the skin gives in, and develops cracks.
It happened.
Soon, government was on the defensive; defending this defendable thing along with that indefendable issue. Government, for a large part, lost focus on its policy and development goals.
Gaps, in development, also developed, offering the opposition probable campaign areas.
Of course, the oppposition in Malawi is yet to exploit this strategy to the maximum. Otherwise, Malawi should have an opposition party upstaging those in the ruling confines.
The only time an opposition party inflicted a defeat on the, or a, ruling party in Malawi is twice. This means it is not "the only time' anymore, it is times.
First, it was in 1963, when the locals upstaged the colonial political party institution to pave way for Dr. Hastings Kankhwani Kamuzu Banda's autocratic regime.
1994 then came with the only other good news to the opposition, when UDF's Bakili Muluzi- having endured castigations that he was uneducated, and 'embezzled' Malawi Congress Party (MCP) funds when he was a senior member of the party in the 1980s- took over from an ailing and exhausted Banda.
Banda- as if taking advantage of the defeat to pass an immortal, political message- conceded defeat well before announcement of electoral results by the Electoral Commission.
It must be said, and remembered, that the Electoral body was headed by inspirational Malawian woman, devout Catholic, mother and judge (then Justice of Appeal), Madam Anastansia Msosa.
Justice Msosa handled the elections well, and received world-wide acclaim for her professional, non-biased handling of Malawi's historic polls. Polls that saw a cock, the symbol of the MCP, appear for the last time on May, 18.
Surprisingly, Muluzi 'fired' Msosa from the Electoral body just before the 1999 General Elections, raising suspicions he (Muluzi) was up to something ('stealing' the vote).
No wonder, when Muluzi won (beating Gwanda Chakuamba who stood for the MCP, Alliance for Democracy, AFORD, alliance), opposition party followers run amok.
They raised so many unanswered questions, and could not forget to link it to Msosa's sacking.
Bingu wa Mutharika has done it again, this time: by dissolving the Electoral Commission headed by Msosa (whom he reappointed prior to the 2009 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections), Mutharika has raised even more questions from opposition parties.
The (opposition) parties, remembering the lessons of four years ago, have raised suspicions that, during the almost-four months government agents have been running affairs at the Electoral body, computer data has been manipulated in readiness for a Peter Mutharika presidency in 2014.
The parties, according to MCP Spokesperson Nancy Tembo, feel that the goverment agents "have installed vote-rigging software in EC computers so that they may be able to manipulate figures by remote control and give Prof. Peter Mutharika power at the touch of a button".
Tembo's sentiments have been echoed by AFORD AND UDF.
All this only buttresses the point that Malawi is now fertile ground, on which ground a son (President) will be born in 2014.
Malawi is in labour; a long, painful labour. The gestation period takes three years-plus to materialise.
Because Malawi criminalises abortion, it is well-assumed that the 'baby' will be there for all to see. No disappearance, whatever.
Some say towns (read,ruling parties) have better facilities for baby (political candidate)delivery. They say rural dwellers (opposition parties) are left with dilapidated facilities to live with, live in, and cope up with.
Our hope is that, because we have expartriate (independent electoral bodies) doctors all over (towns and rural areas), babies of both town (ruling party) and rural (opposition party candidates)dwellers will come safely here!
When Speaker of the National Assembly, Henry Chimunthu-Banda, openly endorsed his (Peter's) Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) candidacy late 2010, Peter neither smiled nor winced: he merely headed towards the exit door of the New Parliament Building in Lilongwe, collapsed at the back of his Green Toyota VX, and signaled to his chaffeur to put foot (sorry, his shoes, which covered the driver's feet) to the plates!
It was the same case with Eastern Region DPP Governor, Noel Masangwi. For a start, Masangwi was the first DPP official to come in the open and declare his support for Peter- albeit in gender-insensitive fashion when he enthused (rather, declared) that Malawi was not ready for a female president.
This was in direct reference to Vice-President Joyce Banda- now sacked from the DPP and in the process of registering her own political institution, the People's Party. The formation of the People's Party puts Banda afoot with President Bingu wa Mutharika: Bingu went into power on a United Democratic Front (UDF) ticket, but dumped it on February 5, 2005 to form his own party, the DPP.
It was like, in the words of former UDF Spokesperson and Speaker of the National Assembly Sam Mpasu, "getting into government in order to form a political party".
Normally, one (or a group of like-minded individuals) forms a political party to get into government; that is, if you are not standing as an independent presidential candidate.
But here was Bingu wa Mutharika; a Bingu wa Mutharika who went into government to form a political party!
Now, Joyce Banda is proving to be a fast learner.
Bingu snatched Banda from obscurity in 2008. After all, Banda had plucked a few feathers earlier, when she resigned as DPP Secretary General, but clung to her Minister of Foreign Affairs post. DPP party zealots did not know what she was up to.
Some thought she was not dedicated to the party; and cited her decision to stay put as Minister as good enough reason that she was 'money-minded'.
After all, government positions pay; and pay well- party politicking does not.At least in the Malawi set up.
However, from Banda's apparent obscurity rises a woman who becomes a hard nut to crack for the DPP cohorts. Consequently, the party's National Governing Council (NGC), at a meeting chaired by Bingu wa Mutharika (the man who took her away from Mr. Obscurity to kiss Mr. Limelight), fired her alongside DPP Second-Vice President Khumbo Kachali.
Banda was DPP's First-Vice President at the time of her dismissal.When the likes of former Finance Minister Goodall Gondwe later defended the DPP's decision, saying Banda and Kachali "were busy erecting parallel party structures and planting their own people in strategic party positions", many thought Banda would go into full-time farming, leaving politics to the 'real' politicians.
But Banda has been hardened by politics, in a way, having served as Director of Gender Affairs in United Democratic Front, Minister of Gender, among other party and government positions prior to 2004.
So, Banda did no rest, or give up on her 'hidden' (what is hidden is not always burried; the aim of hiding is to protect and not forget) political ambitions. She set them abraze. People's Party is the smoke from that braze!
Banda, in proving to be a fast learner, is now forming a political party while in government. As Vice-President, Banda is strategically better-placed to take over from Bingu (in case one of the things stipulated in the Republican Constitution, including the development of an unsound mind, incapacitation), and chop Peter Mutharika, Symon Vuwa-Kaunda, among other vocal and strategically placed officials, from government positions.
That is why it can be safely said that she is forming a political party while in power. In other words, she assumed the auxiliary-reigns of power in order to form a political party!
Like Bingu wa Mutharika, like Joyce Banda indeed.
Of course, Banda- as Vice-President- is yet to surpass Mutharika at making odd decisions. Mutharika is a strange man, a man who dissolves the Malawi Electoral Commission (the High Court ruled in 2010 that MEC is not MEC, it is the Electoral Commission (EC)- if this is December 5, 2010) and re-instates it on March 31, 2011; he okays the arrest of Rev. Nyondo of Livingstonia Synod in August 2010 for 'uttering seditious words' when he said openly that the C.C.A.P Synod would support Banda's candidature, and unilaterally declares that the State should discontinue the case on April 2, 2011 (making himself the executive and judiciary).
He declares that former President Bakili Muluzi, who has been delayed for almost four months from meeting his doctors in South Africa (for dislocated, and later successfully operated on, disks) be allowed to go down South despite an on-going Muluzi challenge in court. Mutharika adds that his decision does not affect any on-going court cases.
How does that not affect them (on-going court cases), when Muluzi was fighting for that very chance: to go to South Africa. To Muluzi, unlike ordinary Malawian citizens who have to endure the pain of throbing ailments while waiting for their foreign-medical-services applications to pass through the country's beaurocratic health system for a go-ahead, it is a right to go to South Africa (or anywhere else in the world) for medical attention.
All this because he was 'lucky-enough' to become Malawi's president; just like First Ladies are 'lucky-enough' to have married a man who was, sooner or later, to become the President of the country. So, the first ladies enjoy so much previleges, apart from eating free food, sleeping in bedrooms and beds they never bothered to buy, among others.
That is why Callista Mutharika is receiving K1.3 million for simply being the Ambassador for Safe Motherhood. The post was earlier held by Vice-President Joyce Banda, and she received nothing for her sweat.
As Mutharika's Spokesperson, Dr. Hetherwick Ntaba, has it; Banda did not deserve a salary. Ntaba said, because Banda was also serving as Vice-President, there was no way she could receive two salaries.
"In government, my brother, you don't receive two salaries. Madam (Callista) Mutharika is not on another salary; she is thus entitled to what she is receiving," said Ntaba.
That is Bingu wa Mutharika for you, a Bingu wa Mutharika UDF Director of Research Humphreys Mvula has described in today's (4 April, 2011) newspapers as a 'dictator'.
A Bingu wa Mutharika who brands himself a democrat, but assents to the draconian Section 46 of the Communications Act, which empowers the Minister of Information to ban any publication deemed anathema to the 'public interest'.
How they define 'public interest', nobody knows; to make matters worse, this definition is left out of the Section, deliberately; to give powers vast enough for the Minister to develop a bloated stomach.
All these are signs of power getting into the bowels of Malawian politicians. And Peter's look, mannerisms, speeches do not seem to offer alternatives, yet.
On Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) Television and Radio, it is Peter all over; no where do you see Banda as Vice-President of Malawi talking sense, or nonsense. That could explain why Banda has sought a court injunctions restraining MBC from saying anything 'Bandash'; that is, related to her. She feels that MBC is out to discredit her, and thinks that gagging the State-broadcaster is the best solution.
If that be so (best decision), what chances do Malawians (read, the Malawi media) have that media institutions (not only mouths) will be muzzled by Banda? The way Mutharika is doing?
While on the issue of Banda's coverage black-out on MBC (the court injunction not withstanding), is it because, as one American columnist once joked, the only serious duty and responsibility of the Vice-President is to represent him or herself at the president's funeral?
It is clear, however, that Peter is being groomed for power.
And people, including strategic businesses, are beginning to read through this very well, and positioning themselves for Peter's (post-2014) world.
Rab Processors Limited has shown this very well. At the opening of its buscuit factory late last month (March), the company's directors gave Peter Mutharika a gift.
It is not known what gift; only that it was announced by the Director of Ceremonies that it was a gift.
Only two people received gifts at the Buscuit Factory launch: President Bingu wa Mutharika and his younger brother, Peter.
Yet, government protocol dictates that the function fel under Industry Minister, Eunice Kazembe. Peter Mutharika was a mere Education, Science and Technology Minister at the function, one of the many obscure, but prominent officials around Rab Processors' premises.
For reasons known to themselves (but reasons well known to political analysts and scientists, and enlightened citizens), the Rab Processors Limited directors chose to honour Bingu and Peter, and shame Kazembe in public.
Why not prepare three gifts, at least, to conceal the company's 'indirect' endorsement of mere aspiring ruling party presidential candidate; one who makes people believe he is being forced?
But nobody should fault the Rab Processors' bosses; they were merely rubbing shoulders with history before it crushes on the entire nation. Or, rather, history was brushing their cheeks, and they couldn't do otherwise but get overwhelmed!
As things are now, it is not Malawi that is the playing ground; the playing ground is the time we are living in.
And this playing ground has become fertile ground. Fertile ground, by its very (innocent and not political) nature is interesting.
To Malawi, the play ground is (has found itself)along a busy road; he road to 2014.
Already, opposition parties have started smelling potatoes where lies the python that swallowed Malawi's last democratic toe. Everywhere, they see conspiracy; sometimes things that are not there. It is part of their zeal to get their voice heard.
Ten years ago, Malawi had toungue-tied opposition political parties. These were political parties that were,largely, on the receiving end of ruling party machinations. They never set the agenda; they just sat on their raulels, waiting for government and ruling parties to make the first move (or, in Malawian political language, 'kill the first Chinese').
So, the ruling party was always calling the shots. The UDF, for instance, could make unsubstantiated claims against an opposition party, or opposition parties, and such a party (or parties would spend much of their time putting water in the fire.
Time that could have been used to constructively criticise government, or ruling parties.
That is, until some four years ago, when the Netherlands-based, and funded, Centre for Multiparty Democracy decided to bring party Spokespersons, General Secretaries, among others, to a drilling session.
The likes of Sam Mpasu attended.
The parties- especially opposition parties- were drilled in how to put ruling parties on the defensive.
Among other things, opposition parties were made to learn that they could make unsubstantiated claims against ruling parties, attack the government on administrative shortfalls,voice out concerns, where necessary, and make them appear as if they contain the conscience of the whole nation (even when such concerns benefit only the opposition parties, and not the entire population).
It is after this 'brain-beating' that the opposition in Malawi begun to speak. The Mpasus because a thorn in the 'dried-fresh' (how can fresh be dry; after all, is it self-explanatory that it is fresh?)of government. The general perception at the time was that government was a roaming wild animal with a thick skin; with constant beating and whipping, the skin gives in, and develops cracks.
It happened.
Soon, government was on the defensive; defending this defendable thing along with that indefendable issue. Government, for a large part, lost focus on its policy and development goals.
Gaps, in development, also developed, offering the opposition probable campaign areas.
Of course, the oppposition in Malawi is yet to exploit this strategy to the maximum. Otherwise, Malawi should have an opposition party upstaging those in the ruling confines.
The only time an opposition party inflicted a defeat on the, or a, ruling party in Malawi is twice. This means it is not "the only time' anymore, it is times.
First, it was in 1963, when the locals upstaged the colonial political party institution to pave way for Dr. Hastings Kankhwani Kamuzu Banda's autocratic regime.
1994 then came with the only other good news to the opposition, when UDF's Bakili Muluzi- having endured castigations that he was uneducated, and 'embezzled' Malawi Congress Party (MCP) funds when he was a senior member of the party in the 1980s- took over from an ailing and exhausted Banda.
Banda- as if taking advantage of the defeat to pass an immortal, political message- conceded defeat well before announcement of electoral results by the Electoral Commission.
It must be said, and remembered, that the Electoral body was headed by inspirational Malawian woman, devout Catholic, mother and judge (then Justice of Appeal), Madam Anastansia Msosa.
Justice Msosa handled the elections well, and received world-wide acclaim for her professional, non-biased handling of Malawi's historic polls. Polls that saw a cock, the symbol of the MCP, appear for the last time on May, 18.
Surprisingly, Muluzi 'fired' Msosa from the Electoral body just before the 1999 General Elections, raising suspicions he (Muluzi) was up to something ('stealing' the vote).
No wonder, when Muluzi won (beating Gwanda Chakuamba who stood for the MCP, Alliance for Democracy, AFORD, alliance), opposition party followers run amok.
They raised so many unanswered questions, and could not forget to link it to Msosa's sacking.
Bingu wa Mutharika has done it again, this time: by dissolving the Electoral Commission headed by Msosa (whom he reappointed prior to the 2009 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections), Mutharika has raised even more questions from opposition parties.
The (opposition) parties, remembering the lessons of four years ago, have raised suspicions that, during the almost-four months government agents have been running affairs at the Electoral body, computer data has been manipulated in readiness for a Peter Mutharika presidency in 2014.
The parties, according to MCP Spokesperson Nancy Tembo, feel that the goverment agents "have installed vote-rigging software in EC computers so that they may be able to manipulate figures by remote control and give Prof. Peter Mutharika power at the touch of a button".
Tembo's sentiments have been echoed by AFORD AND UDF.
All this only buttresses the point that Malawi is now fertile ground, on which ground a son (President) will be born in 2014.
Malawi is in labour; a long, painful labour. The gestation period takes three years-plus to materialise.
Because Malawi criminalises abortion, it is well-assumed that the 'baby' will be there for all to see. No disappearance, whatever.
Some say towns (read,ruling parties) have better facilities for baby (political candidate)delivery. They say rural dwellers (opposition parties) are left with dilapidated facilities to live with, live in, and cope up with.
Our hope is that, because we have expartriate (independent electoral bodies) doctors all over (towns and rural areas), babies of both town (ruling party) and rural (opposition party candidates)dwellers will come safely here!
POEM: Gabbage collector
By Richard Chirombo
Dead leaves lie in white,
decontaminated sacks; on top
sits a dirty, grease-smitten father of three;
kissed, hugged, and dehumanized by flies
on his way to the treatment plant.
his pocket:untreated
His ears:hushed by no pay-raise tones
Everyday, he breathes decontaminants,
Protecting the dead leaves within the white sacks
while exposing his back to the poisoned world around
Dead leaves lie in white,
decontaminated sacks; on top
sits a dirty, grease-smitten father of three;
kissed, hugged, and dehumanized by flies
on his way to the treatment plant.
his pocket:untreated
His ears:hushed by no pay-raise tones
Everyday, he breathes decontaminants,
Protecting the dead leaves within the white sacks
while exposing his back to the poisoned world around
PRESS RELEASE: COMMENDATION FOR THE RE-OPENNING MALAWI ELECTORAL COMMISSION (MEC)
Centre for Youth Empowerment & Training (CYET), a non governmental organization located in Chiradzulu district wishes to express its gratitude for the lifting of the suspension of electoral activities at Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) by the state president.
Prior to the closure, our organization was amongst the organizations accredited to carry voter and civic education in Chiradzulu district. We were even offered training by National Initiative for Civic Education (NICE). A few months after the training, it was quite a big blow to establish that these two important institutions in the local government election process were no longer in operation.
Despite that challenge, CYET managed to create a civic and voter education project which has since then been involved in offering civic and voter education in such villages as Walala, Kadzombe and Mkwanda.
The reinstalling of Malawi Electoral Commission is indeed a great boast to all the organizations accredited by MEC. We assume that MEC will offer us the support required, in conjunction with Malawi Electoral Support Network (MESN, so as to fully civic educate the community which is meanwhile ignorant of the rest of the election information.
We equally assume that funding might as well be released to certain organizations which were already accredited for this coming local government election.
We meanwhile understand that the elections will finally take place contrary to the fears and misconceptions which have been circulating for the past months. It is our hope that all the important election processes will be observed and any preparations will be carried out in time so as to ensure free and fair elections.
Centre for Youth Empowerment & Training (CYET) indeed agree that councilors play a big role in development. They are responsible for soliciting views of people regarding developmental activities required in their respective areas. Absence of councilors makes the Member of Parliament a little bit ineffective as it gives them a lot of task in their constituencies instead of concentrating on their normal role of debating bills in parliament as well as national budget issues.
Whilst we accept that there is minimal time we still hope Malawi Electoral Commission in conjunction with Malawi Electoral support Network (MESN) will assist us in creating a monitoring mechanism in our district with the closure of National Initiative for Civic Education (NICE).
We however hope that the district elections office is going to serve as a bridge at district level considering the fact that several community based organizations were already trained by NICE but however have no funding and may require guidance when it comes to preparing a balanced voter and civic education campaign.
The challenge which is however existing is that unlike the past when accreditation was given it was followed by direct funding from MEC. This time around accredited organizations have to seek their own funding.
Most of the accredited organizations appear to have ignored the entire exercise yet they were allocated specific areas to conduct their voter and civic education. If these organizations don’t engage in voter and civic education in the view that they are not funded then it actually indicates that their respective areas will suffer voter apathy.
We therefore urge Malawi Electoral Support Network (MESN) to continue playing its pivotal role in coordinating election activities and ensuring that even if funding may not be available a mechanism is still employed
Signed by
Joseph Mizimbe Kizito Fillip Musaya
Executive Director Communications Manager
Email: directorcyet@yahoo.com/directorcyet@gmail.com
Cell: 0 999 660 263
Prior to the closure, our organization was amongst the organizations accredited to carry voter and civic education in Chiradzulu district. We were even offered training by National Initiative for Civic Education (NICE). A few months after the training, it was quite a big blow to establish that these two important institutions in the local government election process were no longer in operation.
Despite that challenge, CYET managed to create a civic and voter education project which has since then been involved in offering civic and voter education in such villages as Walala, Kadzombe and Mkwanda.
The reinstalling of Malawi Electoral Commission is indeed a great boast to all the organizations accredited by MEC. We assume that MEC will offer us the support required, in conjunction with Malawi Electoral Support Network (MESN, so as to fully civic educate the community which is meanwhile ignorant of the rest of the election information.
We equally assume that funding might as well be released to certain organizations which were already accredited for this coming local government election.
We meanwhile understand that the elections will finally take place contrary to the fears and misconceptions which have been circulating for the past months. It is our hope that all the important election processes will be observed and any preparations will be carried out in time so as to ensure free and fair elections.
Centre for Youth Empowerment & Training (CYET) indeed agree that councilors play a big role in development. They are responsible for soliciting views of people regarding developmental activities required in their respective areas. Absence of councilors makes the Member of Parliament a little bit ineffective as it gives them a lot of task in their constituencies instead of concentrating on their normal role of debating bills in parliament as well as national budget issues.
Whilst we accept that there is minimal time we still hope Malawi Electoral Commission in conjunction with Malawi Electoral support Network (MESN) will assist us in creating a monitoring mechanism in our district with the closure of National Initiative for Civic Education (NICE).
We however hope that the district elections office is going to serve as a bridge at district level considering the fact that several community based organizations were already trained by NICE but however have no funding and may require guidance when it comes to preparing a balanced voter and civic education campaign.
The challenge which is however existing is that unlike the past when accreditation was given it was followed by direct funding from MEC. This time around accredited organizations have to seek their own funding.
Most of the accredited organizations appear to have ignored the entire exercise yet they were allocated specific areas to conduct their voter and civic education. If these organizations don’t engage in voter and civic education in the view that they are not funded then it actually indicates that their respective areas will suffer voter apathy.
We therefore urge Malawi Electoral Support Network (MESN) to continue playing its pivotal role in coordinating election activities and ensuring that even if funding may not be available a mechanism is still employed
Signed by
Joseph Mizimbe Kizito Fillip Musaya
Executive Director Communications Manager
Email: directorcyet@yahoo.com/directorcyet@gmail.com
Cell: 0 999 660 263
Was Malcolm X bisexual? Prof Manning Marable offers evidence
London - 5 April 2011
The esteemed African-American Columbia University historian, Professor Manning Marable, died last week, aged 60. He was a prestigious and acclaimed chronicler of black history and a leading figure in African-American studies. I greatly admired his scholarship and much of his politics. His death is a great loss.
Read this Guardian obituary: http://tiny.cc/y83dy
Manning's latest book was published posthumously this week. Called: Malcolm X - A Life of Reinvention, it is one of the two most in-depth and honest accounts of Malcolm X ever published, with many new insights.
See this New York Times book review: http://tiny.cc/1wc6e
Among many interesting revelations, Manning's biography of Malcolm concurs with my thesis, first expressed nearly two decades ago, that Malcolm X had same-sex encounters and relationships.
See my more recent Guardian newspaper articles on Malcolm's youthful bisexuality - 2005: http://tiny.cc/gax6o and 2009: http://tiny.cc/s3b7s
My claims were not original. They were based on evidence collected by the brilliant US author Bruce Perry and documented in his towering 1991 book, Malcolm: The Life of a Man Who Changed Black America. Perry was unfairly maligned by black nationalists and the Nation of Islam for recounting Malcolm's gay / bisexual past. So was I. We were accused of racism and revisionism.
Manning Marable was a widely respected historian with great credibility in academic, black and left-wing circles. His corroboration of Malcolm X's same-sex experiences will hopefully help undermine the decades of denialism by those who misguidedly regard homosexuality as shameful and unAfrican.
The esteemed African-American Columbia University historian, Professor Manning Marable, died last week, aged 60. He was a prestigious and acclaimed chronicler of black history and a leading figure in African-American studies. I greatly admired his scholarship and much of his politics. His death is a great loss.
Read this Guardian obituary: http://tiny.cc/y83dy
Manning's latest book was published posthumously this week. Called: Malcolm X - A Life of Reinvention, it is one of the two most in-depth and honest accounts of Malcolm X ever published, with many new insights.
See this New York Times book review: http://tiny.cc/1wc6e
Among many interesting revelations, Manning's biography of Malcolm concurs with my thesis, first expressed nearly two decades ago, that Malcolm X had same-sex encounters and relationships.
See my more recent Guardian newspaper articles on Malcolm's youthful bisexuality - 2005: http://tiny.cc/gax6o and 2009: http://tiny.cc/s3b7s
My claims were not original. They were based on evidence collected by the brilliant US author Bruce Perry and documented in his towering 1991 book, Malcolm: The Life of a Man Who Changed Black America. Perry was unfairly maligned by black nationalists and the Nation of Islam for recounting Malcolm's gay / bisexual past. So was I. We were accused of racism and revisionism.
Manning Marable was a widely respected historian with great credibility in academic, black and left-wing circles. His corroboration of Malcolm X's same-sex experiences will hopefully help undermine the decades of denialism by those who misguidedly regard homosexuality as shameful and unAfrican.
Monday, April 4, 2011
Dear Richard,
Dear Richard,
Almost all of my family lives in Japan. So when the earthquake hit, I tried to help in every way I could, including by donating via text message to relief efforts.
But then I learned that text donations like mine could take up to 90 days to get there. I waited for days to learn that my family was safe, now others were waiting months for my donation!
So I launched a petition on Change.org calling on the phone companies to immediately deliver donations to Japan, the same way they did after the earthquake in Haiti.
It worked! Hundreds, then thousands added their voices. My senator, Barbara Boxer, took up the cause. I was interviewed by the major news programs in San Francisco, where I go to law school.
More than 66,000 of us spoke out and now AT&T, Sprint, T-Mobile, and Verizon have finally agreed to expedite text-message donations to Japan.
Northern Japan has an incredibly difficult path to recovery -- the earthquake and tsunami both physically and financially devastated the affected areas -- and there’s a lot more that each of us can do. But the immediate transfer of donations is going to be of enormous assistance, and my hope is that this victory sets a pattern for how cell phone companies act during future disasters.
This all happened because, at the encouragement of a few friends, I started a petition. If there’s something you want to change, click here to start your own, and I’ll do my best to stand with you the way that you stood with me:
http://www.change.org/petition
Thank you again. And please continue to keep the people of Japan in your thoughts and prayers.
- Masaya Uchino
Almost all of my family lives in Japan. So when the earthquake hit, I tried to help in every way I could, including by donating via text message to relief efforts.
But then I learned that text donations like mine could take up to 90 days to get there. I waited for days to learn that my family was safe, now others were waiting months for my donation!
So I launched a petition on Change.org calling on the phone companies to immediately deliver donations to Japan, the same way they did after the earthquake in Haiti.
It worked! Hundreds, then thousands added their voices. My senator, Barbara Boxer, took up the cause. I was interviewed by the major news programs in San Francisco, where I go to law school.
More than 66,000 of us spoke out and now AT&T, Sprint, T-Mobile, and Verizon have finally agreed to expedite text-message donations to Japan.
Northern Japan has an incredibly difficult path to recovery -- the earthquake and tsunami both physically and financially devastated the affected areas -- and there’s a lot more that each of us can do. But the immediate transfer of donations is going to be of enormous assistance, and my hope is that this victory sets a pattern for how cell phone companies act during future disasters.
This all happened because, at the encouragement of a few friends, I started a petition. If there’s something you want to change, click here to start your own, and I’ll do my best to stand with you the way that you stood with me:
http://www.change.org/petition
Thank you again. And please continue to keep the people of Japan in your thoughts and prayers.
- Masaya Uchino
Government of Southern Sudan seizes Juba Post copies
On April 1, 2011,security agents of the semi-autonomous government of Southern Sudan confiscated 2,500 copies of the independent biweekly newspaper, The Juba Post, on Wednesday, according to Chief Editor Michael Koma.
Security officers briefly detained the paper’s distribution officer on Thursday morning at Juba airport. The agents also summoned Koma for questioning, but the editor declined to appear, he told CPJ. The Juba Post is printed in Khartoum due to a lack of printing facilities in southern Sudan, Koma said, and then shipped into southern Sudan via the airport.
Koma said he lodged a complaint with South Sudan Information Minister Barnaba Marial Benjamin and will meet with the minister on Monday. CPJ was unable to reach the minister after repeated calls. The Juba Post has a circulation of 5,000, with 2,500 copies distributed in Juba. Local journalists in northern Sudan told CPJ that copies were available in the capital, Khartoum.
Journalists at The Juba Post believe the newspaper was targeted for an article headlined, “Athor plans to attack Juba.” In the piece, a spokesperson for a southern rebel group claimed that forces loyal to Gen. George Athor would attack Juba before July. Athor was a commander in the southern army before he rebelled last year, according to Reuters. Security agents called Koma asking him to explain how Athor would attack Juba, he said.
Police detained Koma and journalist Deng Atem Kuol for nine hours in February for a story that alleged the Ivory Bank was faltering. The bank filed a criminal defamation that is still pending, according to the newspaper.
“We are alarmed that the authorities in Juba are already resorting to censorship,” said CPJ East Africa Consultant, Tom Rhodes. “This does not bode well for press freedom in what will become Africa’s newest state. We urge the authorities to respect international norms of freedom of expression and all the press to do its work without interference.”
South Sudan is set to become sub-Saharan Africa’s newest country in July after citizens voted for separation from northern Sudan in a February referendum vote. Many officers formerly under the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), however, have defected and have joined rebel forces under the leadership of Athor, the SPLA’s former chief of staff, according to local reports. Local journalists in Juba suspect the northern Khartoum government supports the rebel offensive in a bid to disrupt the country’s separation in July.
The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement / Army fought a 22 year civil war with the Khartoum government; a peace agreement was eventually signed in January 2005 that allowed southern Sudan the opportunity to separate by July 2011.
Ø http://www.cpj.org/2011/04/southern-sudan-agents-seize-juba-post-copies.php
CPJ is a New York–based, independent, nonprofit organization that works to safeguard press freedom worldwide. For more information, visit www.cpj.org.
Security officers briefly detained the paper’s distribution officer on Thursday morning at Juba airport. The agents also summoned Koma for questioning, but the editor declined to appear, he told CPJ. The Juba Post is printed in Khartoum due to a lack of printing facilities in southern Sudan, Koma said, and then shipped into southern Sudan via the airport.
Koma said he lodged a complaint with South Sudan Information Minister Barnaba Marial Benjamin and will meet with the minister on Monday. CPJ was unable to reach the minister after repeated calls. The Juba Post has a circulation of 5,000, with 2,500 copies distributed in Juba. Local journalists in northern Sudan told CPJ that copies were available in the capital, Khartoum.
Journalists at The Juba Post believe the newspaper was targeted for an article headlined, “Athor plans to attack Juba.” In the piece, a spokesperson for a southern rebel group claimed that forces loyal to Gen. George Athor would attack Juba before July. Athor was a commander in the southern army before he rebelled last year, according to Reuters. Security agents called Koma asking him to explain how Athor would attack Juba, he said.
Police detained Koma and journalist Deng Atem Kuol for nine hours in February for a story that alleged the Ivory Bank was faltering. The bank filed a criminal defamation that is still pending, according to the newspaper.
“We are alarmed that the authorities in Juba are already resorting to censorship,” said CPJ East Africa Consultant, Tom Rhodes. “This does not bode well for press freedom in what will become Africa’s newest state. We urge the authorities to respect international norms of freedom of expression and all the press to do its work without interference.”
South Sudan is set to become sub-Saharan Africa’s newest country in July after citizens voted for separation from northern Sudan in a February referendum vote. Many officers formerly under the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), however, have defected and have joined rebel forces under the leadership of Athor, the SPLA’s former chief of staff, according to local reports. Local journalists in Juba suspect the northern Khartoum government supports the rebel offensive in a bid to disrupt the country’s separation in July.
The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement / Army fought a 22 year civil war with the Khartoum government; a peace agreement was eventually signed in January 2005 that allowed southern Sudan the opportunity to separate by July 2011.
Ø http://www.cpj.org/2011/04/southern-sudan-agents-seize-juba-post-copies.php
CPJ is a New York–based, independent, nonprofit organization that works to safeguard press freedom worldwide. For more information, visit www.cpj.org.
Pakistani atrocities in occupied Balochistan
Victims tortured and executed
US and UK supply weapons to Pakistani military killers
Peter Tatchell of the Peter Tatchell Foundation writes:
"The mutilated bodies of five more disappeared persons have been found in Pakistani -occupied Balochistan. The bodies bore bullet wounds and marks of torture. The dead included current or former student leaders. Witnesses stated that they were abducted by persons in uniform and in plain clothes who identified themselves as Pakistani intelligence agents, according to the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC)," said Mr Tatchell.
See the full AHRC report here: http://tiny.cc/qy1nt
"These extra-judicial murders are the latest of dozens of targeted assassinations of Baloch nationalist leaders and human rights campaigners by the military and intelligence services of the colonising power, Pakistan. The apparent aim of the Pakistani security services is to decapitate and liquidate the leadership and defenders of the Baloch nation.
"Disappearances in Balochistan have become routine, with thousands going missing in recent years. Most are unaccounted for. Some have ended up in the torture chambers of the western-backed Pakistani military. In the last year, more and more disappeared persons have been extra-judicially killed, probably to ensure that they can never testify against their abductors and torturers.
"In 1948, less than a year after securing independence from Britain, Balochistan was invaded and annexed by Pakistan. The Baloch people never voted to be part of Pakistan. They have been under military occupation ever since. A succession of Baloch national leaders have been overthrown, jailed or assassinated.
"Pakistan is a neo-colonial occupying power. It is denying the Baloch people the right to self-determination; systematically violating human rights, destroying Baloch culture and exploiting the mineral riches of Balochistan while leaving its people in abject poverty.
"Britain and the US supply military equipment to the Pakistani armed forces, some of which is being used to suppress the Baloch people. US-supplied fighter planes and attack helicopters are used to bomb and strafe Baloch villages," concluded Mr Tatchell.
See this report about the wave of killings, in yesterday's Guardian:
http://tiny.cc/lahny
Read Peter Tatchell's Guardian articles which give more background information:
On the recent history of massacres by the Pakistani military: http://tiny.cc/oxfau
On the history of the Pakistani conquest and annexation of Balochistan: http://tiny.cc/guptp
US and UK supply weapons to Pakistani military killers
Peter Tatchell of the Peter Tatchell Foundation writes:
"The mutilated bodies of five more disappeared persons have been found in Pakistani -occupied Balochistan. The bodies bore bullet wounds and marks of torture. The dead included current or former student leaders. Witnesses stated that they were abducted by persons in uniform and in plain clothes who identified themselves as Pakistani intelligence agents, according to the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC)," said Mr Tatchell.
See the full AHRC report here: http://tiny.cc/qy1nt
"These extra-judicial murders are the latest of dozens of targeted assassinations of Baloch nationalist leaders and human rights campaigners by the military and intelligence services of the colonising power, Pakistan. The apparent aim of the Pakistani security services is to decapitate and liquidate the leadership and defenders of the Baloch nation.
"Disappearances in Balochistan have become routine, with thousands going missing in recent years. Most are unaccounted for. Some have ended up in the torture chambers of the western-backed Pakistani military. In the last year, more and more disappeared persons have been extra-judicially killed, probably to ensure that they can never testify against their abductors and torturers.
"In 1948, less than a year after securing independence from Britain, Balochistan was invaded and annexed by Pakistan. The Baloch people never voted to be part of Pakistan. They have been under military occupation ever since. A succession of Baloch national leaders have been overthrown, jailed or assassinated.
"Pakistan is a neo-colonial occupying power. It is denying the Baloch people the right to self-determination; systematically violating human rights, destroying Baloch culture and exploiting the mineral riches of Balochistan while leaving its people in abject poverty.
"Britain and the US supply military equipment to the Pakistani armed forces, some of which is being used to suppress the Baloch people. US-supplied fighter planes and attack helicopters are used to bomb and strafe Baloch villages," concluded Mr Tatchell.
See this report about the wave of killings, in yesterday's Guardian:
http://tiny.cc/lahny
Read Peter Tatchell's Guardian articles which give more background information:
On the recent history of massacres by the Pakistani military: http://tiny.cc/oxfau
On the history of the Pakistani conquest and annexation of Balochistan: http://tiny.cc/guptp
The Gay Rumors About Matthew Morrison
Matthew Morrison is not gay, despite the fact that he’s a song-and-dance man who isn’t afraid to show his sensitive side.Matthew Morrison is not gay, despite the fact that he’s a song-and-dance man who isn’t afraid to show his sensitive side.
The Glee star says the gay rumors about him go back for as long as he can remember, but they’ve never bothered him in the slightest.
“I sing and dance for a living and there is that connotation associated with me,” Morrison told The Daily Mail. “I don’t care, I know my truth. Does it make it difficult to get with women? No. It makes it easier. My time on Broadway was the best. There was a lot of beautiful dancers — and being one of the only straight guys ... I kinda had a lot of options.”
Morrison has participated with his Glee costars in a number of charity events to combat bullying in schools and to advocate for gay rights, including Broadway Bares
The Glee star says the gay rumors about him go back for as long as he can remember, but they’ve never bothered him in the slightest.
“I sing and dance for a living and there is that connotation associated with me,” Morrison told The Daily Mail. “I don’t care, I know my truth. Does it make it difficult to get with women? No. It makes it easier. My time on Broadway was the best. There was a lot of beautiful dancers — and being one of the only straight guys ... I kinda had a lot of options.”
Morrison has participated with his Glee costars in a number of charity events to combat bullying in schools and to advocate for gay rights, including Broadway Bares.- SOURCE: ADVOCATE.COM
The Glee star says the gay rumors about him go back for as long as he can remember, but they’ve never bothered him in the slightest.
“I sing and dance for a living and there is that connotation associated with me,” Morrison told The Daily Mail. “I don’t care, I know my truth. Does it make it difficult to get with women? No. It makes it easier. My time on Broadway was the best. There was a lot of beautiful dancers — and being one of the only straight guys ... I kinda had a lot of options.”
Morrison has participated with his Glee costars in a number of charity events to combat bullying in schools and to advocate for gay rights, including Broadway Bares
The Glee star says the gay rumors about him go back for as long as he can remember, but they’ve never bothered him in the slightest.
“I sing and dance for a living and there is that connotation associated with me,” Morrison told The Daily Mail. “I don’t care, I know my truth. Does it make it difficult to get with women? No. It makes it easier. My time on Broadway was the best. There was a lot of beautiful dancers — and being one of the only straight guys ... I kinda had a lot of options.”
Morrison has participated with his Glee costars in a number of charity events to combat bullying in schools and to advocate for gay rights, including Broadway Bares.- SOURCE: ADVOCATE.COM
“Ex-Gay” Survivor Group Launched in Florida
The Reverend Jerry Stephenson has launched a group for “ex-gay” survivors in Fort Lauderdale, Fla.
Truth Wins Out founder and executive director Wayne Besen reported on the formation of the group, God’s Worthy Creation, with the Atlantic Institute Spiritual Counseling Center. Stephenson, also the author of several books on “ex-gay” survival, serves as a Truth Wins Out board member.-SOURCE: ADVOCATE.COM
Truth Wins Out founder and executive director Wayne Besen reported on the formation of the group, God’s Worthy Creation, with the Atlantic Institute Spiritual Counseling Center. Stephenson, also the author of several books on “ex-gay” survival, serves as a Truth Wins Out board member.-SOURCE: ADVOCATE.COM
Thursday, March 31, 2011
Exposed: Joyce Banda's Campaign Strategy
Malawi's Vice-President,Joyce Banda, has been in close contact with the President of Liberia,Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, since February 3, 2009 and the two have now agreed to support each other materially, technically and financially.
The first one to benefit from the two women leaders' agreement - a 12-paged document Zachimalawi is in possession of- is Malawi's Banda.
The Agreement form has four articles, namely: Article 1, which covers three pages, and sets conditions and grounds for financial support; Article 2, specifying modalities for technical support; Article 3, which lays the grounds for material support; and Article 4, describing conditions for termination of agreement. This article cites such grounds as retirement from active politics, incapacipation 'of any terminal nature, and, in which case, it must be proved to be permanent', dishonesty or any acts that may be deemed, in the eyes of right thinking members of society, to be inhuman and against accepted moral principles, among others.
According to Article 1 (6) of Joyce Banda and Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf's agreement, which deals with financial support, Banda will receive US$160, 000 in financial support. The Agreement documents specifically indicates that the first chunk (US$40, 000) will be received by jULY 12, 2011.
Article 1 (8) then specifically sets conditions for utilisation, clearly indicating that the funds "benefit individual citizens, and not party or personal affairs".
In the spirit of the Agreement, 'benefit (ting) individual citizens' shall mean: (a) Any programmes targeting the less-previleged members in society, including the ultra-poor, people affected by disasters, orphans and vulnerable children; (b) Any programmes or activities that may improve he social-economic status of citizens, including revolving funds at 0% interest rate, to be repaid monthly in US$10 bits; (c) and any initiatives that may help aspiring women Members of Parliament and Presidents earn seed capital for political campagning, or the advancement of women development causes.
It is clearly spelled, also, that, in cases of revolving funds and Zero-interest loans, the maximum amount be K200, 000.
The document, signed on June 20, 2009- the day it became effective- and whose validity ends on June 20, 2016- has many other provisions describing effective campaign strategies, but emphasises on tools that do not discriminate against men, members of other political parties, and undecided members of society, further advising that these groups represent a potential pool of 'massive support, and, if well-exploited, could result in changing voting trends. Just emphasise on common reasoning grounds, public sympathy, development gaps, stereotypes against public officials, and the surprise factor.
Now, it seems that Banda has started putting some of the recommendations in the Agreement into practice. Though the Agreement is silent on forming a political party, Banda is already in the process of registering one (People's Party).
As if signaling her seriousness, Banda has ropped in former United Democratic Front (UDF) Campaign Director, Clement Stambuli. Former Justice Minister Paul Maulidi is also one of the officials.
Maulidi threatened to sue journalist Chancy Namadzunda in early March this year, accusing the Lilongwe-based reporter of sneaking into his (Maulidi's) office and 'stealing' names of People's Party officials- a development Maulidi said (speaking to Namadzunda, in the presence of this reporter) could jeorpadise his position in the party since party officials would begin to treat him with suspicions, 'thinking I leak information to members of the press.
All this just points to the fact that Banda's zealots and working on the ground, making sure that Banda's party becomes not only another 'brief case' player on the political map, but a formidable entity, one that poses a real threat to President Bingu wa Mutharika's Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).
When DPP fired Banda (who was DPP's first vice-president) and Khumbo Kachali, then the party's second-vice president, people thought it was the end of the two officials political paths.
Others argued, however, that it could be a sign of cracks emerging in the DPP, following sentiments of top party officials who have made it clear that they will support nobody else but Bingu wa Mutharika's younger brother, Peter.
Bingu's term (the second, and, according to the Malawi Constitution, maximum one can serve in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) member state) expires in May 2014.
But Banda has shown to be a woman of strong will. She even went to the extent of describing Peter Mutharika as a 'non political starter' in February 2011, challenging him to the thrown at the New State House and Sanjika Palace come 2014.
In following up to the Agreement signed with Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, Banda is leaving no stone unturned. The Vice-President of the Republic of Malawi has established 210 committees throughout the country.
The aim of the committees, Zachimalawi understands, is to help in the disbursement of funds to women, men and other vulnerable groups.
In Zomba, for instance, Mary Sauzande-Kalinde is one of the women registering would-be beneficiaries.
She told Zachimalawi on Wednesday that, so far, 780 women have already registered for loans in Zomba.
In Balaka, Patricia Mable Kuzimva, the chairperson for the Joyce Banda (Zero-Interest) Revolving Fund said "many people are flocking to us; in fact, we have already registered 3000 people wishing to obtain loans. People are really grateful to Hon. Joyce Banda for her visionary instincts".
It seems that, all over Malawi, Joyce Banda is slowly connecting with the people's needs, and slowly gaining ground.
Joyce Banda has also won the hearts of many women in Ndirande, as many women are flocking to register for loans in both Ndirande Central Constituency and Ndirande-Malabada.
So far, in the two constituencies, 5,438 women and 2,521 men have registered for the loans whose disbursement date is said to be between September 1 and December 15, 2011.
Loan disbursement will then start again on 19 February, 2011.
THe loans' repayment period is one year, with three months grace period.
Banda is not new in the loan disbursement business. In fact, she is the founder of the National Association for Business Women (NABW), an organisation that won national acclaim for pulling women out of the puddle of poverty.
Many Malawian women were able to wear off their 'goal-keeper' tag (those women who act as goal-keepers, waiting for the husband to bring everything, a trend perpetuated by deep-rooted cultural stereotypes) and stand on themselves economically and socially.
This economic emancipation coincided with an intensive gender activism campaign that has but changed the status of women in Malawian society; at least, the town-dwellling woman.
In Malawi's rural areas, the husband (and thus father) is still very much the patriarch; worshipped more than revered, feared more than respected.
This, naturally, has led people to wonder whether the country is ready for a woman president. DPP regional governor for the Eastern Region, Noel Masangwi, riled people late last year when he enthused, (spoke, rather publicly) than Malawi was not ready for a woman president.
Masangwi immediately drew fire from all quarters of society, including from unfamiliar quarters- Presidential spokesperson, and DPP spokesperson, Dr. Hetherwick Ntaba. The 'Talking Computer' Ntaba said its estranged governor's sentiments did not represent views of the DPP, and that Masangwi was speaking in his personal capacity.
Less than three months later, Joyce Banda was out of the party: fired by the party's National Governing Council, which was chaired by President Bingu wa Mutharika.
The reasons for Banda's (and not Masangwi's) firing were simple, in the words of former Finance Minister Goodall Gondwe: Joyce Banda and Khumbo Kachali were been putting in place parallel party structures. Not only getting rid of established party structures, but relacing them with their own!
As of now, Banda is on the ground, working; only that his party is not yet in the books. It is yet to be registered.
But the DPP has shown to be an intolerant party, looking at how it has frustrated (through the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties) the registration of political parties whose founders are known government bashers.
Will Joyce Banda get her way? Malawians wait with abated breath.
The first one to benefit from the two women leaders' agreement - a 12-paged document Zachimalawi is in possession of- is Malawi's Banda.
The Agreement form has four articles, namely: Article 1, which covers three pages, and sets conditions and grounds for financial support; Article 2, specifying modalities for technical support; Article 3, which lays the grounds for material support; and Article 4, describing conditions for termination of agreement. This article cites such grounds as retirement from active politics, incapacipation 'of any terminal nature, and, in which case, it must be proved to be permanent', dishonesty or any acts that may be deemed, in the eyes of right thinking members of society, to be inhuman and against accepted moral principles, among others.
According to Article 1 (6) of Joyce Banda and Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf's agreement, which deals with financial support, Banda will receive US$160, 000 in financial support. The Agreement documents specifically indicates that the first chunk (US$40, 000) will be received by jULY 12, 2011.
Article 1 (8) then specifically sets conditions for utilisation, clearly indicating that the funds "benefit individual citizens, and not party or personal affairs".
In the spirit of the Agreement, 'benefit (ting) individual citizens' shall mean: (a) Any programmes targeting the less-previleged members in society, including the ultra-poor, people affected by disasters, orphans and vulnerable children; (b) Any programmes or activities that may improve he social-economic status of citizens, including revolving funds at 0% interest rate, to be repaid monthly in US$10 bits; (c) and any initiatives that may help aspiring women Members of Parliament and Presidents earn seed capital for political campagning, or the advancement of women development causes.
It is clearly spelled, also, that, in cases of revolving funds and Zero-interest loans, the maximum amount be K200, 000.
The document, signed on June 20, 2009- the day it became effective- and whose validity ends on June 20, 2016- has many other provisions describing effective campaign strategies, but emphasises on tools that do not discriminate against men, members of other political parties, and undecided members of society, further advising that these groups represent a potential pool of 'massive support, and, if well-exploited, could result in changing voting trends. Just emphasise on common reasoning grounds, public sympathy, development gaps, stereotypes against public officials, and the surprise factor.
Now, it seems that Banda has started putting some of the recommendations in the Agreement into practice. Though the Agreement is silent on forming a political party, Banda is already in the process of registering one (People's Party).
As if signaling her seriousness, Banda has ropped in former United Democratic Front (UDF) Campaign Director, Clement Stambuli. Former Justice Minister Paul Maulidi is also one of the officials.
Maulidi threatened to sue journalist Chancy Namadzunda in early March this year, accusing the Lilongwe-based reporter of sneaking into his (Maulidi's) office and 'stealing' names of People's Party officials- a development Maulidi said (speaking to Namadzunda, in the presence of this reporter) could jeorpadise his position in the party since party officials would begin to treat him with suspicions, 'thinking I leak information to members of the press.
All this just points to the fact that Banda's zealots and working on the ground, making sure that Banda's party becomes not only another 'brief case' player on the political map, but a formidable entity, one that poses a real threat to President Bingu wa Mutharika's Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).
When DPP fired Banda (who was DPP's first vice-president) and Khumbo Kachali, then the party's second-vice president, people thought it was the end of the two officials political paths.
Others argued, however, that it could be a sign of cracks emerging in the DPP, following sentiments of top party officials who have made it clear that they will support nobody else but Bingu wa Mutharika's younger brother, Peter.
Bingu's term (the second, and, according to the Malawi Constitution, maximum one can serve in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) member state) expires in May 2014.
But Banda has shown to be a woman of strong will. She even went to the extent of describing Peter Mutharika as a 'non political starter' in February 2011, challenging him to the thrown at the New State House and Sanjika Palace come 2014.
In following up to the Agreement signed with Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, Banda is leaving no stone unturned. The Vice-President of the Republic of Malawi has established 210 committees throughout the country.
The aim of the committees, Zachimalawi understands, is to help in the disbursement of funds to women, men and other vulnerable groups.
In Zomba, for instance, Mary Sauzande-Kalinde is one of the women registering would-be beneficiaries.
She told Zachimalawi on Wednesday that, so far, 780 women have already registered for loans in Zomba.
In Balaka, Patricia Mable Kuzimva, the chairperson for the Joyce Banda (Zero-Interest) Revolving Fund said "many people are flocking to us; in fact, we have already registered 3000 people wishing to obtain loans. People are really grateful to Hon. Joyce Banda for her visionary instincts".
It seems that, all over Malawi, Joyce Banda is slowly connecting with the people's needs, and slowly gaining ground.
Joyce Banda has also won the hearts of many women in Ndirande, as many women are flocking to register for loans in both Ndirande Central Constituency and Ndirande-Malabada.
So far, in the two constituencies, 5,438 women and 2,521 men have registered for the loans whose disbursement date is said to be between September 1 and December 15, 2011.
Loan disbursement will then start again on 19 February, 2011.
THe loans' repayment period is one year, with three months grace period.
Banda is not new in the loan disbursement business. In fact, she is the founder of the National Association for Business Women (NABW), an organisation that won national acclaim for pulling women out of the puddle of poverty.
Many Malawian women were able to wear off their 'goal-keeper' tag (those women who act as goal-keepers, waiting for the husband to bring everything, a trend perpetuated by deep-rooted cultural stereotypes) and stand on themselves economically and socially.
This economic emancipation coincided with an intensive gender activism campaign that has but changed the status of women in Malawian society; at least, the town-dwellling woman.
In Malawi's rural areas, the husband (and thus father) is still very much the patriarch; worshipped more than revered, feared more than respected.
This, naturally, has led people to wonder whether the country is ready for a woman president. DPP regional governor for the Eastern Region, Noel Masangwi, riled people late last year when he enthused, (spoke, rather publicly) than Malawi was not ready for a woman president.
Masangwi immediately drew fire from all quarters of society, including from unfamiliar quarters- Presidential spokesperson, and DPP spokesperson, Dr. Hetherwick Ntaba. The 'Talking Computer' Ntaba said its estranged governor's sentiments did not represent views of the DPP, and that Masangwi was speaking in his personal capacity.
Less than three months later, Joyce Banda was out of the party: fired by the party's National Governing Council, which was chaired by President Bingu wa Mutharika.
The reasons for Banda's (and not Masangwi's) firing were simple, in the words of former Finance Minister Goodall Gondwe: Joyce Banda and Khumbo Kachali were been putting in place parallel party structures. Not only getting rid of established party structures, but relacing them with their own!
As of now, Banda is on the ground, working; only that his party is not yet in the books. It is yet to be registered.
But the DPP has shown to be an intolerant party, looking at how it has frustrated (through the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties) the registration of political parties whose founders are known government bashers.
Will Joyce Banda get her way? Malawians wait with abated breath.
Tension at Blantyre Old Town, Malawi's Failure to Chose One Road
The atmosphere in Blantyre Central Business District (CBD) is pregnant with tension.
At Blantyre Old Town (also known as Victoria Hall), right within the Blantyre CBD, some four Police Land Cruisers are lined up overlooking Henderson Street, with Police officers on high alert.
The news is that Polytechnic students are on their way to Blantyre District Commissioner (DC) offices. These offices are located within the Southern Region Government offices, which also houses the Immigration Department, Fiscal Police, Meteorological Department, Department of Tourism, Ministry of Information Departments (including the Malawi News Agency), Administrator General, Legal Aid, Blantyre Electoral Commission offices, among others.
The aim of the students is to present a petition to the DC. The issue is about the on-going stand-off between University of Malawi (UNIMA) lecturers and Inspector General of Police, Peter Mukhito.
So far, it has not been all-unity within UNIMA, as lecturers from some constituent colleges of UNIMA- notably, Bunda College of Agriculture, Polytechnic- have decided to end their sit-in and resume classes.
The decision has riled the students, who refused to attend classes on Tuesday at the Polytechnic. They viewed their lecturers' decision as a betrayal of their colleagues at Chancellor College, the biggest constituent college of UNIMA.
Today (Thursday) morning, Zachimalawi saw a horde of students leave Polytechnic campus and head towards Blantyre DC offices in Blantyre CBD.
They have not yet arrived, though the heavy police presence at Blantyre Magistrates' Court- which stands between Victoria Hotel (Blantyre Old Town) and the entry to Southern region Goverment offices- indicates that the law enforcers are on high alert.
The Mlawi Police Service may even be ready to throw teargas cansters willy-nilly, as they did at the Polytechnic campus yesterday (Wednesday).
Such has been the case during the past one month, or so, of tension and stand-offs over academic freedom.
During this period, President Bingu wa Mutharika has made three 'dangerous' statements: that Inspector General of Police Peter Mukhito will not apologise, thus compromising on his role as both Commander-in-Chief of the Malawi Police Service, and Chancellor of UNIMA; that demonstrators deposit a collateral damage deposit of K3 million before any such demonstrations, peaceful or not, which such human rights activists as Undule Mwakasungula have described as 'unconstitutional and dictatorial'; that civil society organisations' leaders are unemployable individuals with no good track record, prompting others to interpret that, by saying 'unemployable', Mutharika means that the civil society leaders cannot be bought by government agents. In Malawi, individuals who have suddenly changed their ati-government tune are said to have been 'sconed' in the mouth.
Adding on to this is the Malawi Government's decision this week to ban (or its plans to do so) the Human Rights Consultative Committee (HRCC) purpotedly because it is 'illegal' and 'not registered'. HRCC is made up of 97 human rights NGOs in Malawi.
This has been revealed by Presidential spokesperson, Dr. Hetherwick Ntaba. Ntaba also acts as the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) spokesman.
Government's decision has buffled many political analysts and human rights activists.
On one hand, they say it is HRCC that organised a virgil at Parliament's main gate when Mutharika's DPP government was in minority, and opposition legislators led by Leader of Opposition, and Malawi Congress Party (MCP) president, John Zenus Ungapake Tembo ganged up to topedo the National Budget.
Such was Mutharika's vulnerability that he resorted to the 'People-Power' strategy, appealing to citizens reasoning and sympathy when things did not go his way. CSOs and NGOs also played a crucial role in making sure government got its way, either by organising virgils or demonstrations.
Now that Mutharika's DPP is in majority, though not absolute majority, things have all of a sudden changed, and Mutharika is biting more than he soothes.
At several fora, including during the opening of the 2010 International Trade Fair in Blantyre, Mutharika challenged development partners who, he felt, were interfering in Malawi's internal affairs to 'pack up and go, I don't care'.
He also took time to accuse private newspapers of being 'bought', and advancing donors' agenda, and threatened to close down newspapers that were acting contrary to government's development agenda.
This sentiment has, coincidentally, become linked to government's recent attempts tp muzzle press freedom, as evidenced by its recent decision to ammend Section 46 of the Penal Code and empower the Minister of Information (and Civic Education) to ban publications deemed, in his or her view, to be against national interests.
Currently, the Malawi Human Rights Commission (MHRC), government's human rights arm established under an Act of Parliament, has joined hands with the Media Council of Malawi (MCM) and dragged government to court over the controversial provision.
Government lawyers argued this week the two bodies had no 'sufficient' interest in the matter, and urged the High Court of Malawi to throw out the appplication.
Their argument is that nobody (including the two bodies) has been affected yet by the new legislation.
Information and Civic Education Minister, Symon Vuwa Kaunda, has also joined government lawyers in this argument. He told Zachimalawi on Wednesday government does not intend to envoke Section 46 'anytime in the fore-seable future', adding that the Section is just there to guard against 'press freedom excesses" in future.
Evidently, the past seven months have not been easy for human rights advocates. Presidential advisor on NGOs, Bessie Chirambo, has spoken against NGOs a record 15 times- all the time repeating sentiments that government will not hesitate 'to close down' NGOs that rally against the government of President Mutharika, and never take the time to appreciate the 'many good things'.
All these developments lead up to one conclusion: Malawi, the Warm Heart of Africa, is at a cross-roads.
At Blantyre Old Town (also known as Victoria Hall), right within the Blantyre CBD, some four Police Land Cruisers are lined up overlooking Henderson Street, with Police officers on high alert.
The news is that Polytechnic students are on their way to Blantyre District Commissioner (DC) offices. These offices are located within the Southern Region Government offices, which also houses the Immigration Department, Fiscal Police, Meteorological Department, Department of Tourism, Ministry of Information Departments (including the Malawi News Agency), Administrator General, Legal Aid, Blantyre Electoral Commission offices, among others.
The aim of the students is to present a petition to the DC. The issue is about the on-going stand-off between University of Malawi (UNIMA) lecturers and Inspector General of Police, Peter Mukhito.
So far, it has not been all-unity within UNIMA, as lecturers from some constituent colleges of UNIMA- notably, Bunda College of Agriculture, Polytechnic- have decided to end their sit-in and resume classes.
The decision has riled the students, who refused to attend classes on Tuesday at the Polytechnic. They viewed their lecturers' decision as a betrayal of their colleagues at Chancellor College, the biggest constituent college of UNIMA.
Today (Thursday) morning, Zachimalawi saw a horde of students leave Polytechnic campus and head towards Blantyre DC offices in Blantyre CBD.
They have not yet arrived, though the heavy police presence at Blantyre Magistrates' Court- which stands between Victoria Hotel (Blantyre Old Town) and the entry to Southern region Goverment offices- indicates that the law enforcers are on high alert.
The Mlawi Police Service may even be ready to throw teargas cansters willy-nilly, as they did at the Polytechnic campus yesterday (Wednesday).
Such has been the case during the past one month, or so, of tension and stand-offs over academic freedom.
During this period, President Bingu wa Mutharika has made three 'dangerous' statements: that Inspector General of Police Peter Mukhito will not apologise, thus compromising on his role as both Commander-in-Chief of the Malawi Police Service, and Chancellor of UNIMA; that demonstrators deposit a collateral damage deposit of K3 million before any such demonstrations, peaceful or not, which such human rights activists as Undule Mwakasungula have described as 'unconstitutional and dictatorial'; that civil society organisations' leaders are unemployable individuals with no good track record, prompting others to interpret that, by saying 'unemployable', Mutharika means that the civil society leaders cannot be bought by government agents. In Malawi, individuals who have suddenly changed their ati-government tune are said to have been 'sconed' in the mouth.
Adding on to this is the Malawi Government's decision this week to ban (or its plans to do so) the Human Rights Consultative Committee (HRCC) purpotedly because it is 'illegal' and 'not registered'. HRCC is made up of 97 human rights NGOs in Malawi.
This has been revealed by Presidential spokesperson, Dr. Hetherwick Ntaba. Ntaba also acts as the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) spokesman.
Government's decision has buffled many political analysts and human rights activists.
On one hand, they say it is HRCC that organised a virgil at Parliament's main gate when Mutharika's DPP government was in minority, and opposition legislators led by Leader of Opposition, and Malawi Congress Party (MCP) president, John Zenus Ungapake Tembo ganged up to topedo the National Budget.
Such was Mutharika's vulnerability that he resorted to the 'People-Power' strategy, appealing to citizens reasoning and sympathy when things did not go his way. CSOs and NGOs also played a crucial role in making sure government got its way, either by organising virgils or demonstrations.
Now that Mutharika's DPP is in majority, though not absolute majority, things have all of a sudden changed, and Mutharika is biting more than he soothes.
At several fora, including during the opening of the 2010 International Trade Fair in Blantyre, Mutharika challenged development partners who, he felt, were interfering in Malawi's internal affairs to 'pack up and go, I don't care'.
He also took time to accuse private newspapers of being 'bought', and advancing donors' agenda, and threatened to close down newspapers that were acting contrary to government's development agenda.
This sentiment has, coincidentally, become linked to government's recent attempts tp muzzle press freedom, as evidenced by its recent decision to ammend Section 46 of the Penal Code and empower the Minister of Information (and Civic Education) to ban publications deemed, in his or her view, to be against national interests.
Currently, the Malawi Human Rights Commission (MHRC), government's human rights arm established under an Act of Parliament, has joined hands with the Media Council of Malawi (MCM) and dragged government to court over the controversial provision.
Government lawyers argued this week the two bodies had no 'sufficient' interest in the matter, and urged the High Court of Malawi to throw out the appplication.
Their argument is that nobody (including the two bodies) has been affected yet by the new legislation.
Information and Civic Education Minister, Symon Vuwa Kaunda, has also joined government lawyers in this argument. He told Zachimalawi on Wednesday government does not intend to envoke Section 46 'anytime in the fore-seable future', adding that the Section is just there to guard against 'press freedom excesses" in future.
Evidently, the past seven months have not been easy for human rights advocates. Presidential advisor on NGOs, Bessie Chirambo, has spoken against NGOs a record 15 times- all the time repeating sentiments that government will not hesitate 'to close down' NGOs that rally against the government of President Mutharika, and never take the time to appreciate the 'many good things'.
All these developments lead up to one conclusion: Malawi, the Warm Heart of Africa, is at a cross-roads.
Wednesday, March 30, 2011
Tomorrow (watch out for a story titled): Joyce Banda's campaign strategy exposed
Hint: Vice President Joyce Banda, who is largely expected to become president of the yet-to-be registered People's Party -after being expelled from President Bingu wa Mutharika's Democratic Progressive Party- is leaving no stone unturned to realise her ambition (unthought of some three years ago) of becoming Malawi's next possible president in 2014.
Find out how, tomorrow. Only Zachimalawi can reveal.
Find out how, tomorrow. Only Zachimalawi can reveal.
Polytechnic Students Stone Police Boss, Beat Up Journalist
Students from the Polytechnic, unhappy with their lecturers' sudden change of heart over their decision to boycott classes until their academic freedom is quaranteed, run amok today morning, stoning a Police boss idly sitting at the back of a Police Pajero in the company of three other uniformed police officers, as well as beating up a lady journalist working for one of Malawi's biggest newspaper groups.
This happened on a day the Polytechnic students were waiting for their colleagues from Chancellor College- another constituent college of the University of Malawi- so they could match against pro-longed delays to settle the issue of academic freedom once and for all.
Reports reaching Zachimalawi indicate that Chanco (as Chancellor College is popularly known) students have been denied permission (and, therefore, access to such college resources as a bus for transport to Blantyre) to go ahead with their resolution to join Polytechnic students in what they dubbed a 'massive student action' match.
This came fast on the heels of Polytechnic students union leaders' decision to boycott classes on Tuesday, shortly after the college's lecturers agreed to go back to class. The decision followed a voting process conducted by the Polytechnic Academic Staff Committee on Welfare (Pascow), during which 34 lecturers voted in favour of the decision to resume teaching, while 29 were of the contrary view.
Polytechnic students union representatives have since cried foul over the lecturers' decision, saying non-academic members of staff were also allowed to vote- a decision they describe as an 'ill-advised'.
Wednesday (today) started like a day like any other at the Polytechnic, though anticipation was in the air- that Chanco students would join their Polytechnic counterparts in solidarity against government impunity over universal freedoms, including the Kampala Declaration and the Republican constitution, These set academic freedom as a non-derogable right, according to Polytechnic Students Union (PSU) publicity secretary, Bright Mhango.
However, things started to turn loose when, around 08:20, the students gathered in front of the administration block, setting tires and tree branches on fire.
When one of Southern Region Police Headquarters top notch officials passed by the campus in a Nissan Pajero, however, one student threw a stone that sent him ducking (actually, he bowed down as he tried to shield himself from the 'well-taken' stone.
Immediately, one of his aides de camp in front was seen calling his colleagues nearby (some 100 metres from the Polytechnic). And, soon, all hell broke loose.
Reports indicate that Police officers, who invaded the campus- throwing teargas indiscriminately- have arrested over four students, inclusing one of the students union leaders.
It must be reported also that a lady journalist (name withheld) who was taking photos of the action was manhandled, and had the car she was traveling in smashed.
The stand off between lecturers of UNIMA and Inspector General of Police, Peter Mukhito, started when the later summoned an associate professor at Chancellor College, Dr. Blessings Chinsinga, over remarks he made in class equating the (then on-going) protests in Egypt to the impact of people power.
N.B. Excuse me, I am at the Polytechnic now, and police officers have started throwing teargas again...time to run,
This happened on a day the Polytechnic students were waiting for their colleagues from Chancellor College- another constituent college of the University of Malawi- so they could match against pro-longed delays to settle the issue of academic freedom once and for all.
Reports reaching Zachimalawi indicate that Chanco (as Chancellor College is popularly known) students have been denied permission (and, therefore, access to such college resources as a bus for transport to Blantyre) to go ahead with their resolution to join Polytechnic students in what they dubbed a 'massive student action' match.
This came fast on the heels of Polytechnic students union leaders' decision to boycott classes on Tuesday, shortly after the college's lecturers agreed to go back to class. The decision followed a voting process conducted by the Polytechnic Academic Staff Committee on Welfare (Pascow), during which 34 lecturers voted in favour of the decision to resume teaching, while 29 were of the contrary view.
Polytechnic students union representatives have since cried foul over the lecturers' decision, saying non-academic members of staff were also allowed to vote- a decision they describe as an 'ill-advised'.
Wednesday (today) started like a day like any other at the Polytechnic, though anticipation was in the air- that Chanco students would join their Polytechnic counterparts in solidarity against government impunity over universal freedoms, including the Kampala Declaration and the Republican constitution, These set academic freedom as a non-derogable right, according to Polytechnic Students Union (PSU) publicity secretary, Bright Mhango.
However, things started to turn loose when, around 08:20, the students gathered in front of the administration block, setting tires and tree branches on fire.
When one of Southern Region Police Headquarters top notch officials passed by the campus in a Nissan Pajero, however, one student threw a stone that sent him ducking (actually, he bowed down as he tried to shield himself from the 'well-taken' stone.
Immediately, one of his aides de camp in front was seen calling his colleagues nearby (some 100 metres from the Polytechnic). And, soon, all hell broke loose.
Reports indicate that Police officers, who invaded the campus- throwing teargas indiscriminately- have arrested over four students, inclusing one of the students union leaders.
It must be reported also that a lady journalist (name withheld) who was taking photos of the action was manhandled, and had the car she was traveling in smashed.
The stand off between lecturers of UNIMA and Inspector General of Police, Peter Mukhito, started when the later summoned an associate professor at Chancellor College, Dr. Blessings Chinsinga, over remarks he made in class equating the (then on-going) protests in Egypt to the impact of people power.
N.B. Excuse me, I am at the Polytechnic now, and police officers have started throwing teargas again...time to run,
SOMALIA: Director and editor of prominent station detained
New York, March 28, 2011—Security agents with Somalia’s Interim Transitional Government arrested the director and news editor of Radio Shabelle on Sunday after the independent station aired a report saying the president was unable to visit areas recently captured by government and AU forces due to security concerns, according to news reports and CPJ interviews. The Ministry of Information deemed the March 22 report “factually incorrect and aiding the terrorists.”
News Editor Abdi Mohammed Ismail and Director Abdirashid Omar Qase were arrested upon their arrival at security agency headquarters in Mogadishu and were denied access to food, legal representation, and family, Ali Dahir, Shabelle’s head of development, told CPJ.
Other local radio stations and the U.S. government-funded broadcaster Voice of America aired similar reports that said President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed’s travels had been restricted by insecurity, local journalists said. Shabelle stood by its reporting.
Abdimalik Yusuf, chairman of Shabelle Media, told CPJ the Interior Ministry ordered the media house today to publicly apologize for the report and to sign a letter stating that they would refrain from negative reporting about the government. Yusuf told CPJ he refused. Phone calls seeking comment from the Interior Ministry went unanswered.
“The government must explain why it is holding our two colleagues incommunicado,” CPJ East Africa Consultant Tom Rhodes. “In the meantime, it must release them immediately. If it disputes the radio station’s reporting it can say so without locking up journalists.”
The weak transitional federal government has fought a protracted war with the hard-line insurgency Al-Shabaab and other militant groups, which have controlled vast portions of the country. In 2010, Radio Shabelle clandestinely transferred its operations from Mogadishu’s Bakara Market, which was controlled by Al-Shabaab, to the government-controlled part of the city.-CPJ
News Editor Abdi Mohammed Ismail and Director Abdirashid Omar Qase were arrested upon their arrival at security agency headquarters in Mogadishu and were denied access to food, legal representation, and family, Ali Dahir, Shabelle’s head of development, told CPJ.
Other local radio stations and the U.S. government-funded broadcaster Voice of America aired similar reports that said President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed’s travels had been restricted by insecurity, local journalists said. Shabelle stood by its reporting.
Abdimalik Yusuf, chairman of Shabelle Media, told CPJ the Interior Ministry ordered the media house today to publicly apologize for the report and to sign a letter stating that they would refrain from negative reporting about the government. Yusuf told CPJ he refused. Phone calls seeking comment from the Interior Ministry went unanswered.
“The government must explain why it is holding our two colleagues incommunicado,” CPJ East Africa Consultant Tom Rhodes. “In the meantime, it must release them immediately. If it disputes the radio station’s reporting it can say so without locking up journalists.”
The weak transitional federal government has fought a protracted war with the hard-line insurgency Al-Shabaab and other militant groups, which have controlled vast portions of the country. In 2010, Radio Shabelle clandestinely transferred its operations from Mogadishu’s Bakara Market, which was controlled by Al-Shabaab, to the government-controlled part of the city.-CPJ
Tuesday, March 29, 2011
* Homepage * About Us * Pubblications * Study Centre * Database * Contacts * Newsletter * Feed RSS Home › Canadian Blood Services Offers Funding to Research the Gay Blood Ban Canadian Blood Services Offers Funding to Research the Gay Blood Ban
The Canadian Blood Services, the agency which governs blood donations in Canada has stated that it is not changing its stance on the ban on blood donations by men who had sex with other men. A spokeswoman for the Canadian Blood Services indicated that "research is going to take time. The environment has changed in terms of what some of the international blood operators are doing, so let's look at the feasibility of a shorter deferal period". The Canadian Blood Service has set aside funding for research into the issue but to date no one has applied.
NORWAY: Promoting the human rights of LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) people
Guidelines for systematising and strengthening embassy efforts
Sexual orientation and human rights
Norway plays an active role as an advocate for the human rights of LGBT
people, both in the UN Human Rights Council, the UN General Assembly
and bilaterally. In the UN general Assembly in December 2008, Norway
was part of a core group that promoted the statement on Human Rights,
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity. The statement was supported by 66
countries. Our main message has been that homosexuality must be
decriminalised and that states must take steps to combat violence and
discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.
The starting point for Norway’s efforts is that human rights apply to
everyone, regardless of their sex, social and ethnic background, religion or
sexual orientation. In practice, LGBT people are subject to criminalisation
and discrimination, in the form of both harassment and actual violence. In
some cases, LGBT people are the victims of abuse and discrimination on the
part of the authorities themselves. In others, the authorities fail to protect
them against abuse and discrimination by family members or society in
general. Many LGBT people also experience more indirect forms of
discrimination in the labour and housing markets.
Moreover, equal rights for sexual minorities is an important development
policy issue, together with other equality issues.
LGBT activists who are working for their rights and fighting discrimination
are considered to be human rights defenders, in the same way as other
human rights activists.
Norwegian policy as regards LGBT people
Norway is willing to speak up when others are silent, and to raise the issue of
equality and rights for LGTB people. Norway is a staunch defender of human
rights. There is a need for an increased focus on equal rights, including the issue
of discrimination based on sexual orientation. This is a priority area in the
Government’s Action Plan for Women’s Rights and Gender Equality in
Development Cooperation 2007–2009. Norway also endorses the Yogyakarta
principles on the application of international human rights law in relation to
sexual orientation and gender identity. International efforts are also being made to
find funding mechanisms for channelling allocations to provide legal assistance
for LGBT people who are arrested.
Side 2
Terminology
In ordinary speech we often talk of lesbian and gay rights. The UN uses the
term sexual orientation and gender identity, Common generic terms are:
LGBT – Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender people, and
LGBTI – Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex people.
The term “transgender” or “Third gender” applies to all that do not fall into
the definition man/woman.
Long-term approach
In many countries, securing the rights of LGBT people is a sensitive issue,
and the work of Norway’s embassies in this field must be adapted to the
local context and what will give the best results for the target group. A longterm
perspective is needed. It may be worthwhile to look back on the history
of campaigns for greater equality in Norway. Both women and gay and
lesbian groups have used campaigning methods that were against the law in
order to make themselves heard. Due to the efforts of Norwegian
homosexuals, their situation has changed from a prohibition against
homosexual practices 35 years ago to the recent adoption of amendments to
the Marriage Act to make it applicable to both same-sex and opposite-sex
couples. It seems likely that there will be situations where LGBT activists in
other countries make use of campaigning methods that states consider to be
illegal. Norway should take a particular responsibility for speaking out
precisely in cases where the rights of sexual minorities are a controversial
issue. Norway is playing a leading role in promoting women’s and
children’s rights, and should have the same level of ambition when it comes
to the rights of LGBT people
The Ministry’s efforts
Please refer to the guidelines for systematising and strengthening the efforts
of foreign service missions to support human rights defenders, which are
available on the Intranet and at
http://www.regjeringen.no/upload/UD/Vedlegg/defenders.pdf.
Many of the types of initiative that can be taken to support human rights
defenders can also be used to support LGBT activists and organisations.
Statement by France and Germany at the UN General Assembly in
2008
France and the Netherlands have drawn together a core group of
supportive states to prepare a statement for the 63rd Session of the UN
General Assembly. Norway is a member of the core group. It will
support this work, but because it is a candidate for election to the
Human Rights Council, it will not be playing a leading role.
Brief guidelines for efforts by Norwegian embassies to promote the
rights of LGBT people
1. Promoting equal rights and non-discrimination of LGBT people is part of
Norway’s policy. Embassies should be aware of this policy and be
Side 3
prepared to answer questions on our position using the background
information provided here.
2. Human rights efforts must extend to issues relating to LGBT people.
These issues must also be included in reports to the Ministry, with a
particular focus on a general description of the situation for LGTB people,
individual cases and their legal position.
3. Embassies should gain an overview of other like-minded embassies and
their networks. Sweden, the Netherlands, UK and France has been giving
priority to this issue, and both the UK and the Netherlands have drawn up
guidelines for their embassies on how to promote the rights of LGBT
people. The countries supporting the statement to the UN General
Assembly are also of interest.
4. Embassies should investigate the legislative framework and political and
social situation for LGBT people locally, and maintain an overview of and
contact with organisations that represent them. They should work together
with other countries on this to avoid duplication of effort. The Section for
Human Rights and Democracy at the Ministry is involved in project
cooperation with the Norwegian LGBT Association, which has an
extensive international network. Embassies can contact the Association
directly, or via the Section for Human Rights and Democracy, if they need
more information on LGBT organisations or the political situation in a
relevant country.
5. Embassies should raise the general issue of LGBT rights in their talks with
authorities and Human Rights Organisations.
6. In the event of arrests or abuse of LGBT people, embassies should contact
other like-minded countries to coordinate their response. Responses may
include following court cases, protesting to the authorities, or expressing
support to the persons arrested. The security of LGBT activists who are
being persecuted or are in some other vulnerable situation may be
improved if embassies make it clear that they are monitoring the situation.
Embassies should adapt their response according to the degree of
influence/contact Norway or other relevant countries have in the country
in question. The response should also be adjusted in the light of what will
most benefit the target group, and LGBT organisations’ own assessment of
the situation should be given considerable weight here
Sexual orientation and human rights
Norway plays an active role as an advocate for the human rights of LGBT
people, both in the UN Human Rights Council, the UN General Assembly
and bilaterally. In the UN general Assembly in December 2008, Norway
was part of a core group that promoted the statement on Human Rights,
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity. The statement was supported by 66
countries. Our main message has been that homosexuality must be
decriminalised and that states must take steps to combat violence and
discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.
The starting point for Norway’s efforts is that human rights apply to
everyone, regardless of their sex, social and ethnic background, religion or
sexual orientation. In practice, LGBT people are subject to criminalisation
and discrimination, in the form of both harassment and actual violence. In
some cases, LGBT people are the victims of abuse and discrimination on the
part of the authorities themselves. In others, the authorities fail to protect
them against abuse and discrimination by family members or society in
general. Many LGBT people also experience more indirect forms of
discrimination in the labour and housing markets.
Moreover, equal rights for sexual minorities is an important development
policy issue, together with other equality issues.
LGBT activists who are working for their rights and fighting discrimination
are considered to be human rights defenders, in the same way as other
human rights activists.
Norwegian policy as regards LGBT people
Norway is willing to speak up when others are silent, and to raise the issue of
equality and rights for LGTB people. Norway is a staunch defender of human
rights. There is a need for an increased focus on equal rights, including the issue
of discrimination based on sexual orientation. This is a priority area in the
Government’s Action Plan for Women’s Rights and Gender Equality in
Development Cooperation 2007–2009. Norway also endorses the Yogyakarta
principles on the application of international human rights law in relation to
sexual orientation and gender identity. International efforts are also being made to
find funding mechanisms for channelling allocations to provide legal assistance
for LGBT people who are arrested.
Side 2
Terminology
In ordinary speech we often talk of lesbian and gay rights. The UN uses the
term sexual orientation and gender identity, Common generic terms are:
LGBT – Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender people, and
LGBTI – Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex people.
The term “transgender” or “Third gender” applies to all that do not fall into
the definition man/woman.
Long-term approach
In many countries, securing the rights of LGBT people is a sensitive issue,
and the work of Norway’s embassies in this field must be adapted to the
local context and what will give the best results for the target group. A longterm
perspective is needed. It may be worthwhile to look back on the history
of campaigns for greater equality in Norway. Both women and gay and
lesbian groups have used campaigning methods that were against the law in
order to make themselves heard. Due to the efforts of Norwegian
homosexuals, their situation has changed from a prohibition against
homosexual practices 35 years ago to the recent adoption of amendments to
the Marriage Act to make it applicable to both same-sex and opposite-sex
couples. It seems likely that there will be situations where LGBT activists in
other countries make use of campaigning methods that states consider to be
illegal. Norway should take a particular responsibility for speaking out
precisely in cases where the rights of sexual minorities are a controversial
issue. Norway is playing a leading role in promoting women’s and
children’s rights, and should have the same level of ambition when it comes
to the rights of LGBT people
The Ministry’s efforts
Please refer to the guidelines for systematising and strengthening the efforts
of foreign service missions to support human rights defenders, which are
available on the Intranet and at
http://www.regjeringen.no/upload/UD/Vedlegg/defenders.pdf.
Many of the types of initiative that can be taken to support human rights
defenders can also be used to support LGBT activists and organisations.
Statement by France and Germany at the UN General Assembly in
2008
France and the Netherlands have drawn together a core group of
supportive states to prepare a statement for the 63rd Session of the UN
General Assembly. Norway is a member of the core group. It will
support this work, but because it is a candidate for election to the
Human Rights Council, it will not be playing a leading role.
Brief guidelines for efforts by Norwegian embassies to promote the
rights of LGBT people
1. Promoting equal rights and non-discrimination of LGBT people is part of
Norway’s policy. Embassies should be aware of this policy and be
Side 3
prepared to answer questions on our position using the background
information provided here.
2. Human rights efforts must extend to issues relating to LGBT people.
These issues must also be included in reports to the Ministry, with a
particular focus on a general description of the situation for LGTB people,
individual cases and their legal position.
3. Embassies should gain an overview of other like-minded embassies and
their networks. Sweden, the Netherlands, UK and France has been giving
priority to this issue, and both the UK and the Netherlands have drawn up
guidelines for their embassies on how to promote the rights of LGBT
people. The countries supporting the statement to the UN General
Assembly are also of interest.
4. Embassies should investigate the legislative framework and political and
social situation for LGBT people locally, and maintain an overview of and
contact with organisations that represent them. They should work together
with other countries on this to avoid duplication of effort. The Section for
Human Rights and Democracy at the Ministry is involved in project
cooperation with the Norwegian LGBT Association, which has an
extensive international network. Embassies can contact the Association
directly, or via the Section for Human Rights and Democracy, if they need
more information on LGBT organisations or the political situation in a
relevant country.
5. Embassies should raise the general issue of LGBT rights in their talks with
authorities and Human Rights Organisations.
6. In the event of arrests or abuse of LGBT people, embassies should contact
other like-minded countries to coordinate their response. Responses may
include following court cases, protesting to the authorities, or expressing
support to the persons arrested. The security of LGBT activists who are
being persecuted or are in some other vulnerable situation may be
improved if embassies make it clear that they are monitoring the situation.
Embassies should adapt their response according to the degree of
influence/contact Norway or other relevant countries have in the country
in question. The response should also be adjusted in the light of what will
most benefit the target group, and LGBT organisations’ own assessment of
the situation should be given considerable weight here
SOTO KOTO TV DEBUTS WEEKLY SHOW ON AFRICAN WOMEN THIS SUNDAY
Contact: Beverly Jones
Phone: 866-348-6892
Email: broadcasting@sotokoto.tv
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
March 15, 2011
SOTO KOTO TV DEBUTS WEEKLY SHOW ON AFRICAN WOMEN THIS SUNDAY
London, UK March 15 – Soto Koto Tv announced the release of a new, weekly Internet Tv show called “Emancipation of African Women,” to debut Sunday, April 3, 2011 at 16:00/4:00pm London time/(12noon EST U.S.) on the Soto Koto World Culture channel at www.sotokoto.tv.
The debut program features an interview with Halima Bashir, author of "Tears of the Desert." She was tortured and gang-raped for days as punishment for speaking out about an attack on primary school children in Darfur. She was punished for telling people that a group of Janjaweed militia and Sudanese government soldiers had attacked the primary school for girls, raping pupils as young as eight. Her story shines the light on one of many human atrocities that the world must address if we are to call ourselves human.
The series is hosted by Neneh Faye-Khan and features interviews, documentaries, news shorts and other content focusing on topics central to African women’s issues. Programs will cover critical issues such as child prostitution, human trafficking, FGM, HIV/AIDS and other health crises. Khan is a Gambian-born producer and social development expert currently in London.
Though Bashir is in hiding due to death threats, she continues to speak out for herself and others like her. Her plight is well recognized in the international community and despite the illegal and immoral so-called fatwa imposed, she is determined to speak for justice. Bashir and Khan share frank discussions on a variety of topics including life in Sudan, Islamic oppression of women and prospects for the future.
The show will air M-F 16:00/4:00pm London time/(12noon EST U.S.) and will repeat at 4:00am/12midnite. New episodes air on Wednesdays.
www.sotokoto.tv/shows/emancipation
Phone: 866-348-6892
Email: broadcasting@sotokoto.tv
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
March 15, 2011
SOTO KOTO TV DEBUTS WEEKLY SHOW ON AFRICAN WOMEN THIS SUNDAY
London, UK March 15 – Soto Koto Tv announced the release of a new, weekly Internet Tv show called “Emancipation of African Women,” to debut Sunday, April 3, 2011 at 16:00/4:00pm London time/(12noon EST U.S.) on the Soto Koto World Culture channel at www.sotokoto.tv.
The debut program features an interview with Halima Bashir, author of "Tears of the Desert." She was tortured and gang-raped for days as punishment for speaking out about an attack on primary school children in Darfur. She was punished for telling people that a group of Janjaweed militia and Sudanese government soldiers had attacked the primary school for girls, raping pupils as young as eight. Her story shines the light on one of many human atrocities that the world must address if we are to call ourselves human.
The series is hosted by Neneh Faye-Khan and features interviews, documentaries, news shorts and other content focusing on topics central to African women’s issues. Programs will cover critical issues such as child prostitution, human trafficking, FGM, HIV/AIDS and other health crises. Khan is a Gambian-born producer and social development expert currently in London.
Though Bashir is in hiding due to death threats, she continues to speak out for herself and others like her. Her plight is well recognized in the international community and despite the illegal and immoral so-called fatwa imposed, she is determined to speak for justice. Bashir and Khan share frank discussions on a variety of topics including life in Sudan, Islamic oppression of women and prospects for the future.
The show will air M-F 16:00/4:00pm London time/(12noon EST U.S.) and will repeat at 4:00am/12midnite. New episodes air on Wednesdays.
www.sotokoto.tv/shows/emancipation
Monday, March 28, 2011
Foreign Prophet To Pray for President Bingu wa Mutharika
President Bingu wa Mutharika needs divine intervention "to see clearly". and this has prompted Salima-based Elijah Faith Ministries founder, Prophet Evance Kapwepwe, to invite renowned Nigerian Prophet, T.B. Joshua, to come to Malawi and pray for Mutharika, Zachimalawi can reveal. Prphet Kapwepwe confirmed the development in an interview this morning, saying "President Mutharika has lost direct, and could as well be said to be "spiritually-blind" at the moment; "things are running ahead of him". Prophet Kapwepwe said he, and three senior pastors in his church, came up with the idea to invite T.B. Joshua two weeks ago, ostensibly after noticing that "Mutharika is losing direction, ranting at each and everyone who tries to pump sense into him, and making enemies with each and everyone who differs in principle, and not opinion, with him. We are headed for disaster if we do not seek divine intervention on his (Mutharika's) behalf," said Kapwepwe. Prophet Kapwepwe said they have since (on Saturday this week) written T.B. Joshua a three-page invitation letter, wqriting on top, 'Top Priority'. "We wish we could have the opportunity to take Prophet Joshua to the New State House so he may lay hands on the President, but we understand that will be difficult. Anyway, we have also written a letter to the Presidential Adviser on Religious Matters, Rev. Billy Gama. We feel that he will be of help, though we strongly feel, also, that he has failed in his religious obligations to the President. We fear that he does not enlighten the President on what the Biblew says on good leadership, and he is part of the blame". Gama, on his part, denied receiving any such letter, and described Prophet Kapwepwe's letter to T.B. Joshua as a provocation. "Don't we have capable men and women of God in Malawi? In fact, the President does not need any such prayers, they are influenced by the Devil," said Gama. When contacted for his comment, Information and Civic Education Minister, Symon Vuwa Kaunda, described Kapwepwe's church as a "briefcase entity out to make money; some of these religious leaders are questionable characters who have failed elsewhere". Kaunda echoed Gama's sentiments, saying Mutharika is a man who fears God, and doesn't need prayers from 'insignificant people, with no known credentials". It is the second time a religious leader has suggested prayers for Mutharika, the first time being when former Presidential Adviser on Religious Affairs, Rev. Malani Ntonga, told local media he, and other pastors, had organised prayers aimed at showing Mutharika the way. In their words, the Presidential was 'blinded' in some way, and needed to 'see'. Presidential spokesperson, Dr. Hetherwick Ntaba, then tore into Ntonga, describing him as a disgruntled individual who, at one time, smashed the President's vehicle into a tree". Ntaba also described Rev. Ntonga as a social outcast. The prayers never took place. But Kapwepwe assured Malawians that the prayers with T.B. Joshua will take place in Salima on 22 April, 2011. "We really want to pray for the President; he has lost spiritual direction," said Kapwepwe. Zachimalawi's e-mail to Prophet T.B. Joshua is yet to be responded to, but we will inform you on progress as the days go by.
John Zenus Ungapake Tembo: Peter Mutharika Is Not Fit For President
Malawi Congress Party (MCP) president, John Zenus Ungapake Tembo, reveals to Zachimalawi that Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) suggested Presidential candidate, Peter Mutharika, is not "fit for President, let alone the Vice Presidency of Malawi". Tembo, speaking for the first time on Peter's capabilities, said the younger Mutharika has shown, as Minister of Education, Science and Technology, that he is far-detached from national matters. The MCP Tsar cited the on-going stand-off between University of Malawi (read, Chancellor College and Malawi Polytechnic) lecturers and Police Inspector General Peter Mukhitho over the summoning of Chancellor College Associate Professor, Dr. Blessings Chinsinga. This followed a class room example Chinsinga is said to have given, relating to how the situation in Egypt (people's protests and subsequent resignation of the country's president, Hosni Mubarak) to the impact of people power. This prompted President Bingu wa Mutharika's former bodyguard, now Police Inspector General, Peter Mukhitho to summon Chinsinga for a 'one-on-one' chat at his (Mukhitho's) house in Zomba. However, the development angered Chanco (as Chancellor College is popularly known) Academic Staff, and forced them to get glued to their chairs for almost two months now. What has buffled government, throwing it into a legal confusion of sorts, is the fact that the lecturers continue to do other duties, save lecturing. Government, at least through the University of Malawi Council (employers of the Academic Staff) argues that the lecturers' principle duty is to lecture, and that the rest comes second. President Mutharika has spread oil on the lecturers' feathers by declaring, twice now (first at Police Training School in Limbe, and secondly during the launch of Rab Processors buscuit factory- all these two institutions located in Malawi's commercial city, Blantyre) that his former skin-watcher (who now watches Mutharika's back as Police Chief, protecting it from ill-intentioned people) "will not apologise; I repeat, Inspector General of Police Mukhitho wil not apology. Him apologising is like me, as the Commander-in-Chief of the Malawi Police Service, apologising". Attorney General Jane Ansah tried to negotiate over the weekend, and camne back with only mad in her reconciliation, out-of-court-settlement, basin. Now, Tembo has capitalised on the stand-off to spill his mind on the capabilities of Peter Mutharika. "He is not fit for president of this country; look, he is the Education Minister , but he has chosen to back his ill-advised brother. This is affecting poor Malawian children. By the way, do we a Mutharika at any of the University of Malawi constituent colleges? No. That is why both Peter and Bingu are behaving like people out of touch with reality," says Tembo. He reveals that this is the reason he would love to have another go at the presidency. "We are in a mess now; I wish I could clear this mess, end dictatorial tendencies, and bring back real freedom. This is not Ngwazi Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda would have preferred. Nothing like this happened during Kamuzu's time- a stand-off with no end in sight? No, it never happened," said Tembo, himself a Member of Parliament (MP) for this Blogger. Tembo is MP for Dedza South Constituency and a veteran Malawian politician who, as fate would have it, may never be the chief tenant at either Sanjika Palace in Blantyre, or the New State House in Lilongwe. He has tried, but, now, even his trusted party zealots like Nancy Tembo want him out of the MCP hot seat. "As far as I am concerned, I am here (in politics) for a while; at least, until this political and governance mess is cleared up," says Tembo.
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