Thursday, March 6, 2014
PUBLIC NOTICE: Abuse of Voter Identity Cards
The Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) understands that some social service providers are using its voter certificates for identification. The Commission wishes to inform those engaging in this practice to cease immediately.
The Commission reached the decision based on numerous complaints stating, that some unscrupulous persons are using voter identification cards to affect the integrity of our electoral vote.
The Commission stresses that it is an offence to retain a voter certificate with the intention excluding the owner from participating in the electoral process.
The Commission is urging all registered voters to reclaim voter certificates that are not in their possession. Individuals and institutions in possession of voter certificates should return them to their rightful owners or surrender them to the Commission with immediate effect.
Those persons who are having difficulty reclaiming their voter certificates should inform the Malawi Electoral Commission.
The Commission wishes to reassure the public that it is committed to ensuring the integrity of the upcoming elections. All stakeholders that have had their voter certificates taken will still be able to vote, if they are registered and can produce necessary documentation.
The Commission will not entertain any voter certificates that were not issued at its designated centers. Individuals found in possession of cards not issued by the Commission will be prosecuted.
For more information contact the Commission on email
ceo@mec.org.mw.
Signed this 4th day of March, 2014 at Blantyre
Justice Maxon Mbendera, SC
CHAIRMAN
Wednesday, March 5, 2014
Lessons on Leadership
Is there anything strange when leaders such as President Joyce Banda behave in a strange way? Other than the nice woman she used to be when she was Malawi's estranged Vice-President- a woman who could call journalists on the phone just to say, "How are you doing?"- to the Joyce Banda she has become: quick to anger, arrogant, Mrs-Know-It-All! I argue that there is nothing new and strange with that.
That's what power does. It takes away freedom from one's original personality, one's thought-after actions, and one's relished dreams. Power creates a smaller world than
the orb of ordinary folks and, to make matters worse, this World of Power is so small that it lacks a past and a future; it only considers the present! To those in power, the present has a permanence which a five-year term in office has very little power to modify.
That explains, perhaps, why people we held in high esteem not so long ago suddenly turn into 'enemies' of everything that has a semblance of sanity. We all know of cases where church elders have turned against the truth because, suddenly, they have realised that it pains. Or, to give a more sober example, we have seen advocates of press freedom and freedom of expression turn against the same, and gag those who dare
express themselves privately.
That is power. It turns people into monsters. It beats me that these people (the victims of power) do not realise that present fame will, not far from now, be a relic of pleasant times past! It is strange that they fail to understand that intoxication with present fame is a prelude of pains to come.
Not that this is a new phenomenon. No. As far back as 1590, essayist Francis Bacon (1561 - 1626) aptly observed, in his essay Of Seditions and Troubles, thus: "The best actions of a state, and the most plausible, and which ought to give greatest contentment, are taken in ill sense, and traduced: for that shows the envy great, as Tacitus saith, conflata magna invidia, seu bene seu male gesta premunt (when great ill is kindled against the government, both good and evil actions are oppressive)".
The only surprising thing, therefore, is that our leaders do not want to learn from history. It is important to learn from history for reasons Scottish philosopher, historian, economist and essayist David Hume (1711 - 1776) best describes in his essay, Of The Study of History. "There is also an advantage in that expeience which is acquired by history above what is learned by the practice of the world, that it brings us acquainted with human affairs, without diminishing in the least from the most delicate sentiments of virtue."
Historians such as Hume acknowledge that even the fierce Machiavelli was "sobered" by history's lessons. Writes Hume: "Machiavelli himself discovers a true sentiment of virtue in his history of Florence. When he talks as a politician, in his general reasonings, he considers poisoning, assassination and perjury as lawful arts of power; but when he speaks as a historian, in his particular narrations, he shows so
keen an indignation against vice, and so warm an approbation of virtue, in many passages, that I could not forbear applying to him that remark of Horace, that 'if you chase away nature, though with ever so great indignity, she will always return upon you'."
But that, too, is not strange; that's what power does. The Greek philosopher, Plutarch (c. 46 - 120) said power does to a leader what goods- loaded to one side- do to a boat. In the end, says Plutarch, it (the boat) "leans to one side, it is as a boat that is overthrown by uneven weight on the one side; as was well seen in the time of Henry the Third of France; for first himself entered league for the
extirpation of the Protestants; and presently after the same league was turned upon himself. For when the authority of princes is made but an accessory to a cause, and that there be other bands that tie faster than the band of sovereignty, kings begin to be put almost out of possession."
To which Francis Bacon adds: "Also, when discords, and quarrels, and factions are carried openly and audaciously, it is a sign the reverence of government is lost."
This notwithstanding, not all anger or discord is counterproductive. As the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace rightly observed the other 'hot' day, "holy anger" is justifiable (even when expressed by those intoxicated by power), so long as they utilise it to promote everything which is ornamental to the lives of Malawians advancing towards their perfection!
But, still, people seek power. People like JB.
They don't care that it makes them strangers to themselves!
Why they cling to their strange-self, nobody knows. But the solution to their artificial anger and sense of self-importance is in sight: History.
If President Joyce Banda took history, and its array of lessons, seriously, she would have come across Bacon's article, Of Great Place, and learned thus: "The vices of authority are chiefly four: delays, corruption, roughness, and facility.
"For delays; give easy access; keep times appointed; go through with that which is in hand, and interlace not business but of necessity.
"For corruption; do not only bind thine own hands or thy servants'hands from taking, but bind the hands of suitors also from offering. And avoid not only the fault, but the suspicion. Whoever is found variable, and changeth manifestly without manifest cause, giveth suspicion of corruption. Therefore always when thou changest thine opinion or course, profess it plainly, and declare it, together with reasons that move thee to change; and do not think to steal it. A servant or a favourite, if he be inward, and no other apparent cause of esteem, is commonly thought but a byway to close corruption.
"For roughness; it is a needless cause of discontent: severity breedeth fear, but roughness breedeth hate. Even reproofs from authority ought to be grave, and not taunting.
"As for facility; it is worse than bribery. For bribes come but now and then; but if importunity or idle respects lead a man, he shall never be without. As Solomon saith, 'To respect persons is not good; for such a man will transgress for a piece of bread'. And it showeth some to the better, and some to the worse. For honour is, or should be, the place of virtue; and as in nature things move violently to their place and calmly in their place, so virtue in ambition is violent, in authority settled and calm."
"Use the memory of thy predecessor fairly and tenderly; for if though dost not, it is a debt will sure be paid when thou art gone. Be not too sensible or too remembering of thy place in conversation and private answers to suitors; but let it rather be said, "When he (she) sits in place, he (she) is another man (woman)".
President Joyce Banda Talks About: "Malawi at 50 and Prospects for The Next 50 Years"
STATEMENT BY
HER EXCELLENCY DR. JOYCE BANDA, THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI AT THE MALAWI NATIONAL CONSULTATIVE CONFERENCE ON “MALAWI AT 50 AND PROSPECTS FOR THE NEXT 50 YEARS” CROSS ROADS HOTEL, LILONGWE, ON TUESDAY, 5TH MARCH, 2014
Justice Richard Banda S.C., (Retired);
Rt. Hon. Khumbo Kachali, Vice President of the Republic of Malawi;
Hon. Ralph Jooma, MP, Minister of Economic Planning and Development;
Cabinet Ministers and Deputy Ministers here present;
Mrs. Hawa Ndilowe, Chief Secretary to Government;
Prof. Mathews Chikaonda, Chairman of the High Level Development Council;
And all Members of the Council here present;
Madame Luisa Dias Diogo, Former Prime Minister of Mozambique, Brenthurst
Foundation Board and member of PACE;
Mr. Alberto Trejos, Head of INCAE Business School in Costa Rica, Brenthurst
Foundation Advisory Board and Chairperson of PACE;
And all Members of PACE here present;
Leaders of various political parties;
Representatives of International Organizations and Development Partners;
Traditional leaders;
Leaders of Religious Organizations;
Government officials here present;
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen.
I am very delighted to preside over this important National Consultative Conference which has been organized by the High Level Development Council that my government set up in January this year. I am informed that the Conference is being convened under the theme: “Malawi: the Next 50 Years”.
The objective of the Conference is to reflect on national development over the past five decades and begin to strategize on the next 50 years. It is important, therefore, that as a nation we come together and discuss the development opportunities and challenges of our beautiful nation, and position ourselves to redeem the times.
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen
As we are all aware, Malawi will be celebrating a jubilee on 6th July this year, commemorating 50 years of independence. I believe this moment provides us with an opportunity to reflect on our past, draw lessons and inspiration on what the 50 years have offered us as a nation.
This moment further provides us yet another opportunity to think and reflect clearly about the nation we want to become in the next 50 years.
We are in this transition with a moment of hope and I thank God to have placed me as President of this great nation at such a time when we can face the future with reality. The two years I have been in power have taught us few lessons, that:
We can make difficult decisions even in the face of uncertainty as we did with devaluation of our currency 22 months ago. Our country was at the verge of total economic collapse but we have been able to recover from such catastrophe despite the challenges we are facing. Today, we can easily boast of more than two months’ import cover in our foreign reserves from under a week’s cover. Today, we can boast of a stable availability of foreign exchange.
We can mobilise ourselves to build our economy despite constraints in our environment. Today, we can boast that we have grown our economy from 1.8 per cent in 2012 to 4.5 per cent in 2013 despite numerous challenges we have faced. Our economy is diversifying and many critical challenges to the economy are receiving attention than never before.
Today, our industries are operating at more than 75 per cent production capacity from 30 per cent in 2012. Today, our electricity generation capacity is at 352 mega watts from 287 mega watts in 2012. Today, our people enjoy more freedoms and exercise more rights than they were in 2012. Today, our agricultural sector is diversifying. Today, our mining sector has been positioned to turn around the fortunes of our country in a unique manner. Yes, today, our infrastructure programmes in railway, airways and roads are taking unprecedented pace.
We can demonstrate political will in placing national interests above personal political careers as we have done in dealing with the looting of public funds in Government where previous administrations tried to cover up these malpractices. Today, we have an opportunity to face fraud, pilferage and corruption not only in Government but also in all sectors of our economy with a united stand. Today, we understand the nature and structure of curtails, as revealed by the investigations into the looting of public resources at Capital as involving civil servants, banks, private sector and politicians, working in a concerted effort to frustrate the development of our country. Today, we can feel the pain of corruption than never before because our governance systems are working.
Many researchers and development specialists have cited bottlenecks in our development efforts. These could have been in the Executive Branch in failing to implement development plans as agreed. These could have been in the Legislative in failing the oversight role to ensure that national plans are implemented as agreed. Indeed, these could have been in the Judiciary in failing the speedy conclusion of cases. These three pillars of State need to have a shared view of the development plans in order to realize a common destiny.
During the two years as President of this country, it has been clear to me that as a country we need social, cultural and economic transformation. Many commentators have argued that Malawi had a transition without a transformation. I agree. We need to transform our priorities in caring for the needy and the vulnerable among us.
We need transformation in our cultural outlook especially our perception and practice of politics. Indeed, we need a transformation in our economy by enhancing rural transformation including wealth and job creation, hunger reduction, improving living conditions in our villages and the role of the private sector.
In all these, I realize one major challenge facing our country’s development agenda. This is the missing link between the nation’s development plans and its implementation framework: the lack of momentum to drive the implementation in a balanced and focused manner whilst taking a long term view.
It is with this view that my Government decided to establish the High Level Development Council (HLDC) to provide leadership in reflecting on the past 50 years of the country’s independence and coordinate dialogue among Malawians and with the world at large in defining our destiny in the next 50 years.
It is my hope that the Council will help build the momentum to strengthen and mobilize national efforts and resources in support of development plans; promote national ownership of our development policies in all vital sectors of the economy; and ensure a balanced and focused implementation of our development plans.
As I said during the announcement of the Council, and in my State of the Nation Address to Parliament on 18th May 2012, I told the nation that, “Malawi has to identify development tablets that will guide our development agenda regardless of which government or political party is in power”.
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen
The Council comprises members from different sectors including the Academia, Youth Organizations, Private Sector, Faith-based Organizations, and Civil Society. This diversity in membership will ensure that government is provided with development advice from different perspectives for policy decision.
I am sure that the Council’s advice to all arms of government and other stakeholders on Malawi’s national development agenda will go a long way in shaping the direction our nation is taking.
Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen,
Since independence, Malawi has drawn good development plans which, if effectively implemented, would have significantly improved its development status beyond the current level.
It is worth noting that other countries have borrowed Malawi’s development plans and have succeeded in their development initiatives. This confirms the quality of the national plans that Malawi has developed over the years.
However, it is worrying to note that despite many good development plans and policies that Malawi has drawn and implemented, the aspirations of Malawians are far from being met as we approach the Golden Jubilee of our Independence.
Since independence, Malawi has implemented different strategies including the Development Policies (Devpols), Malawi Poverty Reduction Strategies Paper (MPRSP), Vision 2020, Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS), and the current Malawi Growth and Development Strategy II (MGDS II), and re-emphasized by the Economic Recovery Plan (ERP).
We have had mixed experiences in the implementation and outcome of these development plans. Some have succeeded while others have failed.
For example, the per capita income stood at $381 in 2012 which is still far from the $1000 envisioned for the year 2020.
At this point in time, with only six years to go before Vision 2020 expires, the situation is not much different from the one just described. About 50.7% of Malawians are still poor with little or no access to basic needs such as food, medical care, education, housing, water and sanitation.
With the Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS) II expiring in 2016 and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) ending in 2015, it is timely for Malawi to reflect and think forward to achieve a better Malawi for all in the coming 50 years. This is not one man’s job but for all of us to determine our destiny.
Mr. Chairman, I feel it is time we revisited our way of doing things, examine how we have implemented our development strategies; where we have gone wrong and think through what we can do as a nation to go forward with much focus on the improvement of people’s lives.
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen
My dream still stands; I want to see a nation where children can go to school without any barriers and get employed after finishing school; I want to see a nation with enough medical supplies in our hospitals and that no mother dies when giving birth; I want to see a nation where people have decent housing; I want to see a nation where no one sleeps on an empty stomach; I want to see a nation where transport systems are developed and affordable for all Malawians. I know this is possible to attain if we all work together towards the same goal.
Being multi-sectoral and non-partisan, the Council is expected to provide advice to government and other stakeholders on hard policy and development questions so that our policy and programme implementation propel us to attain rapid and sustained socio economic development for the entire country in the medium- to long-term.
Mr. Chairman, we need a change of mindset in order to strengthen ownership and adherence to implementation of national development plans regardless of which government is in power so that we remain one nation with one vision.
This Government is ready to work with all stakeholders to ensure that our development is sustainable and benefits all Malawians.
President Joyce Banda's Five Questions
In closing, I want to leave you with five questions to consider which I asked during the National Dialogue on the Economy in Mangochi on 29th June 2012:
How can we envision Malawi, that is, making Malawi the best small country in the world to do business in? Malawi can be a world leader in a number of sectors including food export, green economy, entrepreneurship, innovation and culture.
How can we re-establish our economic reputation, that is, the role Malawian culture can play in opening doors in new markets and the need to consider strong support for initiating the Cultural Ambassador model with the appointment of sporting, business and food ambassadors.
How can we re-engage with the emerging markets, that is, highlighting the importance of a “structured mobilisation” of the diaspora which could be effective in areas such as mentoring, offering placements and internships, developing an investment vehicle through which the diaspora could provide seed funding for Malawian business; and in communicating positive messages.
How can we re-energise our country, that is, identifying the need for a programme for mentoring “winning managers‟.
Malawi should focus on increasing its exports not just for products and services, but also its systems and processes in areas where Malawi has particular expertise such as in agricultural products, Banking and Insurance.
How can we transform Malawi? This could be the foundation of the previous four pillars encompassing a range of reform initiatives the country can move into and “not a business-as-usual” attitude.
These are important questions and need important answers.
Let me underline and state here that this conference must not concentrate on theoretical solutions; but it must focus on practical and realistic home grown plans that are tailor-made for Malawi.
These solutions should be workable and have a long lasting and sustainable impact on Malawians.
I wish to thank our partners from Brenthurst Foundation who have assisted in partly financing this conference.
Lastly, let me thank you all for your coming and I would like to ask all of you to actively participate in the discussions and provide your ideas on various issues for the good of this nation.
I thank you all for your attention
HER EXCELLENCY DR. JOYCE BANDA, THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI AT THE MALAWI NATIONAL CONSULTATIVE CONFERENCE ON “MALAWI AT 50 AND PROSPECTS FOR THE NEXT 50 YEARS” CROSS ROADS HOTEL, LILONGWE, ON TUESDAY, 5TH MARCH, 2014
Justice Richard Banda S.C., (Retired);
Rt. Hon. Khumbo Kachali, Vice President of the Republic of Malawi;
Hon. Ralph Jooma, MP, Minister of Economic Planning and Development;
Cabinet Ministers and Deputy Ministers here present;
Mrs. Hawa Ndilowe, Chief Secretary to Government;
Prof. Mathews Chikaonda, Chairman of the High Level Development Council;
And all Members of the Council here present;
Madame Luisa Dias Diogo, Former Prime Minister of Mozambique, Brenthurst
Foundation Board and member of PACE;
Mr. Alberto Trejos, Head of INCAE Business School in Costa Rica, Brenthurst
Foundation Advisory Board and Chairperson of PACE;
And all Members of PACE here present;
Leaders of various political parties;
Representatives of International Organizations and Development Partners;
Traditional leaders;
Leaders of Religious Organizations;
Government officials here present;
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen.
I am very delighted to preside over this important National Consultative Conference which has been organized by the High Level Development Council that my government set up in January this year. I am informed that the Conference is being convened under the theme: “Malawi: the Next 50 Years”.
The objective of the Conference is to reflect on national development over the past five decades and begin to strategize on the next 50 years. It is important, therefore, that as a nation we come together and discuss the development opportunities and challenges of our beautiful nation, and position ourselves to redeem the times.
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen
As we are all aware, Malawi will be celebrating a jubilee on 6th July this year, commemorating 50 years of independence. I believe this moment provides us with an opportunity to reflect on our past, draw lessons and inspiration on what the 50 years have offered us as a nation.
This moment further provides us yet another opportunity to think and reflect clearly about the nation we want to become in the next 50 years.
We are in this transition with a moment of hope and I thank God to have placed me as President of this great nation at such a time when we can face the future with reality. The two years I have been in power have taught us few lessons, that:
We can make difficult decisions even in the face of uncertainty as we did with devaluation of our currency 22 months ago. Our country was at the verge of total economic collapse but we have been able to recover from such catastrophe despite the challenges we are facing. Today, we can easily boast of more than two months’ import cover in our foreign reserves from under a week’s cover. Today, we can boast of a stable availability of foreign exchange.
We can mobilise ourselves to build our economy despite constraints in our environment. Today, we can boast that we have grown our economy from 1.8 per cent in 2012 to 4.5 per cent in 2013 despite numerous challenges we have faced. Our economy is diversifying and many critical challenges to the economy are receiving attention than never before.
Today, our industries are operating at more than 75 per cent production capacity from 30 per cent in 2012. Today, our electricity generation capacity is at 352 mega watts from 287 mega watts in 2012. Today, our people enjoy more freedoms and exercise more rights than they were in 2012. Today, our agricultural sector is diversifying. Today, our mining sector has been positioned to turn around the fortunes of our country in a unique manner. Yes, today, our infrastructure programmes in railway, airways and roads are taking unprecedented pace.
We can demonstrate political will in placing national interests above personal political careers as we have done in dealing with the looting of public funds in Government where previous administrations tried to cover up these malpractices. Today, we have an opportunity to face fraud, pilferage and corruption not only in Government but also in all sectors of our economy with a united stand. Today, we understand the nature and structure of curtails, as revealed by the investigations into the looting of public resources at Capital as involving civil servants, banks, private sector and politicians, working in a concerted effort to frustrate the development of our country. Today, we can feel the pain of corruption than never before because our governance systems are working.
Many researchers and development specialists have cited bottlenecks in our development efforts. These could have been in the Executive Branch in failing to implement development plans as agreed. These could have been in the Legislative in failing the oversight role to ensure that national plans are implemented as agreed. Indeed, these could have been in the Judiciary in failing the speedy conclusion of cases. These three pillars of State need to have a shared view of the development plans in order to realize a common destiny.
During the two years as President of this country, it has been clear to me that as a country we need social, cultural and economic transformation. Many commentators have argued that Malawi had a transition without a transformation. I agree. We need to transform our priorities in caring for the needy and the vulnerable among us.
We need transformation in our cultural outlook especially our perception and practice of politics. Indeed, we need a transformation in our economy by enhancing rural transformation including wealth and job creation, hunger reduction, improving living conditions in our villages and the role of the private sector.
In all these, I realize one major challenge facing our country’s development agenda. This is the missing link between the nation’s development plans and its implementation framework: the lack of momentum to drive the implementation in a balanced and focused manner whilst taking a long term view.
It is with this view that my Government decided to establish the High Level Development Council (HLDC) to provide leadership in reflecting on the past 50 years of the country’s independence and coordinate dialogue among Malawians and with the world at large in defining our destiny in the next 50 years.
It is my hope that the Council will help build the momentum to strengthen and mobilize national efforts and resources in support of development plans; promote national ownership of our development policies in all vital sectors of the economy; and ensure a balanced and focused implementation of our development plans.
As I said during the announcement of the Council, and in my State of the Nation Address to Parliament on 18th May 2012, I told the nation that, “Malawi has to identify development tablets that will guide our development agenda regardless of which government or political party is in power”.
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen
The Council comprises members from different sectors including the Academia, Youth Organizations, Private Sector, Faith-based Organizations, and Civil Society. This diversity in membership will ensure that government is provided with development advice from different perspectives for policy decision.
I am sure that the Council’s advice to all arms of government and other stakeholders on Malawi’s national development agenda will go a long way in shaping the direction our nation is taking.
Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen,
Since independence, Malawi has drawn good development plans which, if effectively implemented, would have significantly improved its development status beyond the current level.
It is worth noting that other countries have borrowed Malawi’s development plans and have succeeded in their development initiatives. This confirms the quality of the national plans that Malawi has developed over the years.
However, it is worrying to note that despite many good development plans and policies that Malawi has drawn and implemented, the aspirations of Malawians are far from being met as we approach the Golden Jubilee of our Independence.
Since independence, Malawi has implemented different strategies including the Development Policies (Devpols), Malawi Poverty Reduction Strategies Paper (MPRSP), Vision 2020, Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS), and the current Malawi Growth and Development Strategy II (MGDS II), and re-emphasized by the Economic Recovery Plan (ERP).
We have had mixed experiences in the implementation and outcome of these development plans. Some have succeeded while others have failed.
For example, the per capita income stood at $381 in 2012 which is still far from the $1000 envisioned for the year 2020.
At this point in time, with only six years to go before Vision 2020 expires, the situation is not much different from the one just described. About 50.7% of Malawians are still poor with little or no access to basic needs such as food, medical care, education, housing, water and sanitation.
With the Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS) II expiring in 2016 and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) ending in 2015, it is timely for Malawi to reflect and think forward to achieve a better Malawi for all in the coming 50 years. This is not one man’s job but for all of us to determine our destiny.
Mr. Chairman, I feel it is time we revisited our way of doing things, examine how we have implemented our development strategies; where we have gone wrong and think through what we can do as a nation to go forward with much focus on the improvement of people’s lives.
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen
My dream still stands; I want to see a nation where children can go to school without any barriers and get employed after finishing school; I want to see a nation with enough medical supplies in our hospitals and that no mother dies when giving birth; I want to see a nation where people have decent housing; I want to see a nation where no one sleeps on an empty stomach; I want to see a nation where transport systems are developed and affordable for all Malawians. I know this is possible to attain if we all work together towards the same goal.
Being multi-sectoral and non-partisan, the Council is expected to provide advice to government and other stakeholders on hard policy and development questions so that our policy and programme implementation propel us to attain rapid and sustained socio economic development for the entire country in the medium- to long-term.
Mr. Chairman, we need a change of mindset in order to strengthen ownership and adherence to implementation of national development plans regardless of which government is in power so that we remain one nation with one vision.
This Government is ready to work with all stakeholders to ensure that our development is sustainable and benefits all Malawians.
President Joyce Banda's Five Questions
In closing, I want to leave you with five questions to consider which I asked during the National Dialogue on the Economy in Mangochi on 29th June 2012:
How can we envision Malawi, that is, making Malawi the best small country in the world to do business in? Malawi can be a world leader in a number of sectors including food export, green economy, entrepreneurship, innovation and culture.
How can we re-establish our economic reputation, that is, the role Malawian culture can play in opening doors in new markets and the need to consider strong support for initiating the Cultural Ambassador model with the appointment of sporting, business and food ambassadors.
How can we re-engage with the emerging markets, that is, highlighting the importance of a “structured mobilisation” of the diaspora which could be effective in areas such as mentoring, offering placements and internships, developing an investment vehicle through which the diaspora could provide seed funding for Malawian business; and in communicating positive messages.
How can we re-energise our country, that is, identifying the need for a programme for mentoring “winning managers‟.
Malawi should focus on increasing its exports not just for products and services, but also its systems and processes in areas where Malawi has particular expertise such as in agricultural products, Banking and Insurance.
How can we transform Malawi? This could be the foundation of the previous four pillars encompassing a range of reform initiatives the country can move into and “not a business-as-usual” attitude.
These are important questions and need important answers.
Let me underline and state here that this conference must not concentrate on theoretical solutions; but it must focus on practical and realistic home grown plans that are tailor-made for Malawi.
These solutions should be workable and have a long lasting and sustainable impact on Malawians.
I wish to thank our partners from Brenthurst Foundation who have assisted in partly financing this conference.
Lastly, let me thank you all for your coming and I would like to ask all of you to actively participate in the discussions and provide your ideas on various issues for the good of this nation.
I thank you all for your attention
Monday, March 3, 2014
Freedom: the fuel of martyrs
Today, March 3- like all March 3s- is Martyrs' Day in Malawi. I write about what might have motivated those humans-no-longer-being!
It must be oppression that propels one to the point where their life ends.
No wonder that, when the frontiers of oppression hindered the entry of those we call martyrs into the gates of freedom, only one thing impressed their mind: Death. They had to die, and put a full stop to this trail of oppression!
Capture, for instance, the scene 99 years ago, when Rev. John Chilembwe saw agents of the colonial administration secreting self-importance wherever they went, while treating the natives with contempt in the crop plantations. He could no longer watch the scene with muted fury.
Indeed, as John E. Farley’s book, ‘Majority-Minority Relations: Forth Edition’, rightly observes, the actions of people like Chilembwe were not influenced by a “criminal element” as suggested by the ‘Riffraff Theory’.
To make a martyr
Farley argues: “Another widely believed but incorrect explanation is the so-called ‘Riffraff Theory’. This view holds that most of the trouble was caused by a criminal element and that racial grievances were merely an excuse used by this small minority of blacks. This explanation, too, has been soundly disproved by research.”
The truth, according to him, is that, “There was, however, also an attempt by whites more generally to maintain a system in which whiteness conferred status- a system of ‘social distance’. Under slavery, doing so had been easy; everyone knew that whites were masters and blacks were slaves. This in itself created an unequal relationship from which the whites gained psychological and material benefit. If whites were to maintain such a relationship after slavery, however, they would have to find a new way to proclaim and enforce the norm of racial equality. They did this by establishing segregation- in effect by replacing social distance with physical distance.”
While this scenario largely manifested itself in the United States of America, where Farley places more emphasis than Africa in the book, it is clear that the British colonial masters simply borrowed a leaf from their American counterparts, and applied the same principles in Malawi during the time of Chilembwe.
Not surprisingly, Chilembwe, who worked for fundamentalist missionary Joseph Booth between 1892 and 1895 and, thanks to Booth, went on to study theology at a black theological college, the Virginia Theological College in the USA, quickly grasped life’s simplest lesson that, in order to buy one’s freedom, one has to fight for that freedom.
According to www.about.com/ African History, Chilembwe made up his mind when he came across the works of pan-Africanists such as Casely Hayford, Marcus Garvey and Booker T. Washington. That knowledge was like a seed buried deep in his heart.
When Chilembwe came back to his motherland in 1900 and founded the Providence Industrial Mission at Mbombwe, the seed was still there- being nurtured by the oppression he saw being inflicted on the natives. As the situation worsened, the seed became a hot-bed of fury.
And, then, the situation could not be controlled anymore, according to the website.
“In 1913, an influx of refugees from Mozambique led to a reduction of employment standards in Nyasaland's plantations. Chilembwe's Baptist missionary work was seen as (a) nationalistic revolution by the plantation owners, and some of his churches were burnt down. Two years later, in response to the cruelty of white plantation owners, Chilembwe led an uprising (of about 200 followers) against British rule,” it says, adding:
“It has been suggested that he was also disgusted by the use of African soldiers against German forces in East Africa during World War I. Chilembwe and his followers attacked the estate of a particularly ruthless white owner, William Jervis Livingstone, killing him and several of the white estate managers. (Livingstone was beheaded in front of his wife and children). Their heads were put on display in Chilembwe's church.”
This, says the website, made Chilembwe one of the first nationalists in the Southern African Development Community region, a position he occupied by sealing his conviction in social justice with his own blood on February 3, 1915.
There is nothing strange with the fact that, for his convictions, he willingly took on the colonial masters and their representatives, and died trying to send home the message that his people were not losers. As Farley observes, “Divisions and competition between poorer members of the majority and minority groups are critical elements in a rigid, competitive system of race relations and are a crucial reason for the emergence of such a system".
What is strange, though, is that his own people (those from other districts) failed to support him.
“Chilembwe failed to gain support from the surrounding districts and his revolt was rapidly quelled. Chilembwe was shot by the police on 3 February 1915,” adds the website, www.about.com /African History.
But, for being forsaken, he got his reward: An appearance on the country’s banknotes, and a day (January 15) celebrated in his memory.
Universality of freedom
While Chilembwe’s actions during the events that have come to be known as ‘The Chilembwe Uprising’ might have the appearance of randomness; but the fact that other Malawians continued the cause for justice after him indicates that, other than being a random occurrence, it is in the psyche of the Malawian to fight for freedom.
For classic examples, we just have to go back to the events of 1953 and 1959, in that order. What comes out clearly is the fact that the ‘oppressors’ were always developing plans to strangle freedom. Self-centred, disingenuous, and bursting with surplus machismo, they stood for everything callous!
Everywhere the natives looked- be it North, South, West or East- all they detected was the pervasive presence of injustice, social, political, economic and otherwise. But they were wise enough to know that, beyond the unjust skyline circulated the purer air of freedom. And the likes of Orton Chirwa, Henry Masauko Chipembere, Kanyama Chiume, Kamuzu Banda, among others, rose to the occasion.
These people might have found it hard to look at the injustices without a creeping sadness. ‘This gulf between the races must be bridged’, they might have thought.
So, in a way, they were willing to become the ‘vehicles’ who could negotiate this wilderness of injustice, oppression, and violence!
Historian Melvin E. Page- a history lecturer who has, among other education institutions, lectured at East Tennessee University and worked in Malawi until 1991- writes in a report posted on www.africafiles.org and titled ‘Malawi: Revolution Without Leadership?’ that the events of the 1950s were fuelled by feelings that locals were being excluded from the economic benefits that seemed to “flow to the few, most notably the European elite”.
“In these circumstances, small, scattered, spontaneous demonstrations began. Then in August 1953, a series of riots began in Thyolo district. African resentments spewed out into attacks on European property. The police responded with tear gas and charged the crowd; at least one demonstrator was killed and several were wounded. The disturbances spread throughout the southern portion of the Protectorate and there were more deaths and injuries,” says Page.
However, Page observes that, despite the genuineness of the grievances, the government did not bulge and the majority of those who had participated were rounded up, a development he blames on the lack of “Africans willing to seize the opportunity and offer leadership to the mass of disaffected Malawians”.
He blames it on the inactivity of the National African Congress (Nac).
“Only the emergence of new, younger leaders such as Henry Chipembere and Kanyama Chiume (who had returned from studies in South Africa and Uganda) resuscitated the Congress. And not until Dr. Banda was recalled from abroad did the nationalist movement really take fire,” observes Page.
He adds: “It was part of Banda's leadership genius that he realized the inherent weakness of the NAC and its failure to seize opportunity in 1953. Thus when the NAC was banned by the colonial government in the wake of the massive 1959 detentions, he directed the formation of a new entity, the Malawi Congress Party which was able to fill the leadership vacuum in the country.”
Continued battle
Only then, he says, did the dispirited air among the people recede. The people whose voices had, just a decade before, melted into helpless solicitude were able to replace the unbearable emptiness with the hope for a brighter future.
However, Jonathan Chakalamba, a Chigumula resident in Blantyre, feels that, 50 years down the lane of independence, Malawians are going back to the old days of unbearable emptiness.
“Look at things like the plunder of public resources at Capital Hill, the poverty in the land, and the tendency by our leaders to accumulate worth questionably,” says Chakalamba.
Chakalamba adds that, the way things are moving, it is easy to think that Malawians are taking the “sacrifice” of the Chilembwes and other nationalists “for granted”.
“Where is the sacrifice when our leaders think only of themselves? We have lost that love; that communal spirit of Malawi that peddled us forward, in good or bad times,” says Chakalamba.
It is a point human rights activist Billy Banda seconds.
“Look, how can we be proud to be Malawians when public officers are looting billions of kwacha and getting away with it? How can we claim to promote the cause of the poor when there are no drugs in public hospitals? Where are human rights when people are being denied the right to know how their taxes went missing in broad daylight? We need to put our house in order,” says Banda, who leads the Malawi Watch Human Rights, a local NGO.
All these problems, he says, have meant that the ceiling of freedom- once up and flying high- has now dropped so low that sight has been impinged and the future is dim.
And, among the citizens like Chakalamba, the look on their faces is that of the familiar odd, wan emptiness that spurred others to a fight for freedom.
“Freedom is all we want. We want economic freedom. We want social freedom. We want political freedom. And we want freedom from fear; you know how security has gone to the dogs these days!” Chakalamba sums the situation up.
Everything, it seems, hinges on freedom. Truth is, there have always been calls for freedom: Sometimes loud, sometimes silent!
It must be oppression that propels one to the point where their life ends.
No wonder that, when the frontiers of oppression hindered the entry of those we call martyrs into the gates of freedom, only one thing impressed their mind: Death. They had to die, and put a full stop to this trail of oppression!
Capture, for instance, the scene 99 years ago, when Rev. John Chilembwe saw agents of the colonial administration secreting self-importance wherever they went, while treating the natives with contempt in the crop plantations. He could no longer watch the scene with muted fury.
Indeed, as John E. Farley’s book, ‘Majority-Minority Relations: Forth Edition’, rightly observes, the actions of people like Chilembwe were not influenced by a “criminal element” as suggested by the ‘Riffraff Theory’.
To make a martyr
Farley argues: “Another widely believed but incorrect explanation is the so-called ‘Riffraff Theory’. This view holds that most of the trouble was caused by a criminal element and that racial grievances were merely an excuse used by this small minority of blacks. This explanation, too, has been soundly disproved by research.”
The truth, according to him, is that, “There was, however, also an attempt by whites more generally to maintain a system in which whiteness conferred status- a system of ‘social distance’. Under slavery, doing so had been easy; everyone knew that whites were masters and blacks were slaves. This in itself created an unequal relationship from which the whites gained psychological and material benefit. If whites were to maintain such a relationship after slavery, however, they would have to find a new way to proclaim and enforce the norm of racial equality. They did this by establishing segregation- in effect by replacing social distance with physical distance.”
While this scenario largely manifested itself in the United States of America, where Farley places more emphasis than Africa in the book, it is clear that the British colonial masters simply borrowed a leaf from their American counterparts, and applied the same principles in Malawi during the time of Chilembwe.
Not surprisingly, Chilembwe, who worked for fundamentalist missionary Joseph Booth between 1892 and 1895 and, thanks to Booth, went on to study theology at a black theological college, the Virginia Theological College in the USA, quickly grasped life’s simplest lesson that, in order to buy one’s freedom, one has to fight for that freedom.
According to www.about.com/ African History, Chilembwe made up his mind when he came across the works of pan-Africanists such as Casely Hayford, Marcus Garvey and Booker T. Washington. That knowledge was like a seed buried deep in his heart.
When Chilembwe came back to his motherland in 1900 and founded the Providence Industrial Mission at Mbombwe, the seed was still there- being nurtured by the oppression he saw being inflicted on the natives. As the situation worsened, the seed became a hot-bed of fury.
And, then, the situation could not be controlled anymore, according to the website.
“In 1913, an influx of refugees from Mozambique led to a reduction of employment standards in Nyasaland's plantations. Chilembwe's Baptist missionary work was seen as (a) nationalistic revolution by the plantation owners, and some of his churches were burnt down. Two years later, in response to the cruelty of white plantation owners, Chilembwe led an uprising (of about 200 followers) against British rule,” it says, adding:
“It has been suggested that he was also disgusted by the use of African soldiers against German forces in East Africa during World War I. Chilembwe and his followers attacked the estate of a particularly ruthless white owner, William Jervis Livingstone, killing him and several of the white estate managers. (Livingstone was beheaded in front of his wife and children). Their heads were put on display in Chilembwe's church.”
This, says the website, made Chilembwe one of the first nationalists in the Southern African Development Community region, a position he occupied by sealing his conviction in social justice with his own blood on February 3, 1915.
There is nothing strange with the fact that, for his convictions, he willingly took on the colonial masters and their representatives, and died trying to send home the message that his people were not losers. As Farley observes, “Divisions and competition between poorer members of the majority and minority groups are critical elements in a rigid, competitive system of race relations and are a crucial reason for the emergence of such a system".
What is strange, though, is that his own people (those from other districts) failed to support him.
“Chilembwe failed to gain support from the surrounding districts and his revolt was rapidly quelled. Chilembwe was shot by the police on 3 February 1915,” adds the website, www.about.com /African History.
But, for being forsaken, he got his reward: An appearance on the country’s banknotes, and a day (January 15) celebrated in his memory.
Universality of freedom
While Chilembwe’s actions during the events that have come to be known as ‘The Chilembwe Uprising’ might have the appearance of randomness; but the fact that other Malawians continued the cause for justice after him indicates that, other than being a random occurrence, it is in the psyche of the Malawian to fight for freedom.
For classic examples, we just have to go back to the events of 1953 and 1959, in that order. What comes out clearly is the fact that the ‘oppressors’ were always developing plans to strangle freedom. Self-centred, disingenuous, and bursting with surplus machismo, they stood for everything callous!
Everywhere the natives looked- be it North, South, West or East- all they detected was the pervasive presence of injustice, social, political, economic and otherwise. But they were wise enough to know that, beyond the unjust skyline circulated the purer air of freedom. And the likes of Orton Chirwa, Henry Masauko Chipembere, Kanyama Chiume, Kamuzu Banda, among others, rose to the occasion.
These people might have found it hard to look at the injustices without a creeping sadness. ‘This gulf between the races must be bridged’, they might have thought.
So, in a way, they were willing to become the ‘vehicles’ who could negotiate this wilderness of injustice, oppression, and violence!
Historian Melvin E. Page- a history lecturer who has, among other education institutions, lectured at East Tennessee University and worked in Malawi until 1991- writes in a report posted on www.africafiles.org and titled ‘Malawi: Revolution Without Leadership?’ that the events of the 1950s were fuelled by feelings that locals were being excluded from the economic benefits that seemed to “flow to the few, most notably the European elite”.
“In these circumstances, small, scattered, spontaneous demonstrations began. Then in August 1953, a series of riots began in Thyolo district. African resentments spewed out into attacks on European property. The police responded with tear gas and charged the crowd; at least one demonstrator was killed and several were wounded. The disturbances spread throughout the southern portion of the Protectorate and there were more deaths and injuries,” says Page.
However, Page observes that, despite the genuineness of the grievances, the government did not bulge and the majority of those who had participated were rounded up, a development he blames on the lack of “Africans willing to seize the opportunity and offer leadership to the mass of disaffected Malawians”.
He blames it on the inactivity of the National African Congress (Nac).
“Only the emergence of new, younger leaders such as Henry Chipembere and Kanyama Chiume (who had returned from studies in South Africa and Uganda) resuscitated the Congress. And not until Dr. Banda was recalled from abroad did the nationalist movement really take fire,” observes Page.
He adds: “It was part of Banda's leadership genius that he realized the inherent weakness of the NAC and its failure to seize opportunity in 1953. Thus when the NAC was banned by the colonial government in the wake of the massive 1959 detentions, he directed the formation of a new entity, the Malawi Congress Party which was able to fill the leadership vacuum in the country.”
Continued battle
Only then, he says, did the dispirited air among the people recede. The people whose voices had, just a decade before, melted into helpless solicitude were able to replace the unbearable emptiness with the hope for a brighter future.
However, Jonathan Chakalamba, a Chigumula resident in Blantyre, feels that, 50 years down the lane of independence, Malawians are going back to the old days of unbearable emptiness.
“Look at things like the plunder of public resources at Capital Hill, the poverty in the land, and the tendency by our leaders to accumulate worth questionably,” says Chakalamba.
Chakalamba adds that, the way things are moving, it is easy to think that Malawians are taking the “sacrifice” of the Chilembwes and other nationalists “for granted”.
“Where is the sacrifice when our leaders think only of themselves? We have lost that love; that communal spirit of Malawi that peddled us forward, in good or bad times,” says Chakalamba.
It is a point human rights activist Billy Banda seconds.
“Look, how can we be proud to be Malawians when public officers are looting billions of kwacha and getting away with it? How can we claim to promote the cause of the poor when there are no drugs in public hospitals? Where are human rights when people are being denied the right to know how their taxes went missing in broad daylight? We need to put our house in order,” says Banda, who leads the Malawi Watch Human Rights, a local NGO.
All these problems, he says, have meant that the ceiling of freedom- once up and flying high- has now dropped so low that sight has been impinged and the future is dim.
And, among the citizens like Chakalamba, the look on their faces is that of the familiar odd, wan emptiness that spurred others to a fight for freedom.
“Freedom is all we want. We want economic freedom. We want social freedom. We want political freedom. And we want freedom from fear; you know how security has gone to the dogs these days!” Chakalamba sums the situation up.
Everything, it seems, hinges on freedom. Truth is, there have always been calls for freedom: Sometimes loud, sometimes silent!
Facing the Aflatoxin Challenge: Malawi Takes Steps To Make Its Regumes Safe for Human Consumption
Is it not ironic that the moulds that produce aflatoxin are more visible than the prescription of death they pronounce on humankind? In legumes such as groundnuts, moulds wear their guts on the outside, their colour laid out like a map to death.
The Webster’s New World Medical Dictionary defines aflatoxin as “a toxin produced by moulds that can damage the liver and may lead to liver cancer. Aflatoxins cause cancer in some animals. The fungi that produce aflatoxin grow on crops such as peanuts and wheat, corn, beans, groundnuts and rice. Aflatoxin is a problem particularly in undeveloped and developing countries”.
Malawi, as one of the ‘developing’ countries, is not immune to aflatoxin fateful pangs. For example, a 2010 study titled ‘Aflatoxins in Sorghum Malt and Traditional Opaque Beer in Malawi’, indicates that the problem is wide-spread in the country.
Researchers - Deliwe Lakudzala of the Department of Physics and Bio-chemical Sciences at the Polytechnic, a constituent College of the University of Malawi, Elenimo Khonga of the Faculty of Agriculture at Botswana College of Agriculture, Maurice Monjerezi of the Chemistry Department at Chancellor College and a researcher from Chitedze Agriculture Research Station - took part in the study.
“Samples of sorghum grain and malt, traditional opaque sweet beverage (thobwa) and beer prepared from sorghum malts were collected from the southern region of Malawi during the humid month of January. The samples were analysed for total aflatoxins using aflatest vicam fluorometry procedure. All malt and beer samples, 15 percent and 43 percent of the sorghum and thobwa samples, respectively, were contaminated with aflatoxin,” reads the research report.
It adds: “The sorghum malt prepared for beer brewing had significantly higher total aflatoxin content than any other type of sample. The average aflatoxin content in the beer was 22.32 μg/litre (a mode of measuring toxic content in liquids), which is higher than the permissible maximum level in ready to eat foods set by Codex Alimentarius Commission (10 μg/kg). Thus consumption of opaque sorghum-based traditional beer poses a risk of aflatoxin exposure.”
The Environmental Health Trust says aflatoxin is a naturally-occurring contaminant produced by moulds, particularly Aspergillus flavus and Aparasiticus. These moulds grow on crops, especially peanuts, maize, wheat and seed oils (i.e. cotton seed) that are stored in conditions of warmth and humidity.
It adds that aflatoxins are carcinogenic and, as such, are dangerous to both humans and other animals and have been associated with various human health-related conditions, including the high incidents of liver cancer, growth retardation in children, reproduction impairment and immunity suppression.
Exposure to aflatoxins is known to cause both chronic and acute hepatocellular injury.
According to the Centre for Disease Control in Kenya, acute aflatoxin poisoning results in liver failure and death in up to 40 percent of cases.
Admarc
The Agricultural Development and Marketing Corporation (Admarc), the country’s grain marketer established by an Act of Parliament of 1971, says it has always treated the issue of aflatoxins "with the seriousness it deserves", citing the existence of a factory and laboratory specialising in the same at Liwonde in Machinga.
Admarc spokesperson Agnes Ndovi says the corporation realises the importance of meeting international standards, hence its commitment to ensuring that consumers are not exposed to hazardous substances.
"There are international standards put in place to control the concentration of aflatoxins and, in Malawi, these aflatoxins largely affect groundnuts,” she explained. “To meet these standards, we established the factory and laboratory at Liwonde in Machinga, a development that has guaranteed that our groundnuts remain fit for human consumption."
Adds Ndovi: "For your own information, our export consignments have never been turned back. This is because we work hand in hand with the Malawi Bureau of Standards which monitors the activities at the laboratory and factory and issues an Aflatoxin Certificate that accompanies our groundnut exports. It is mandatory that, apart from the other permits, consignments of groundnut exports should be accompanied by this certificate."
Questions, no answers
Be that as it may, it is known within research institutions that dietary exposure to aflatoxins has been one of the causes of stunted growth. Would it be fair therefore to conclude that low knowledge on aflatoxins and the impact they have can be one of the causes of the 50 percent of stunting growth rates that we have in districts such as Dedza and Mchinji where aflatoxin-laden crops like groundnuts are grown?
Silence before death
While many countries that import or grow groundnuts have put up measures to reduce consumption of aflatoxin-infested legumes, more especially groundnuts, Malawi is yet to say something, not even a proposition on aflatoxin control.
But even if we pay a blind-eye to aflatoxin research, the chilling fact is that our trade partners are getting stricter on aflatoxin control and may eventually hit us in the long run. This may result in dwindling marketing opportunities for groundnuts as the importing countries will only import carefully-tested groundnuts.
Groundnut market
The issue of aflatoxin in the Malawi nut has already hit the groundnut market. Malawi used to send thousands of tonnes into the European market per year but the market collapsed due unacceptable levels of aflatoxin in the Malawi nut.
In 1997, the European Union set a uniform standard for aflatoxin at the minimum acceptable level of 10 ppb (parts per billion – the measurement of toxic content in nuts or grains) in groundnuts subject to further processing and at 4 ppb in groundnuts for direct human consumption.
It is, therefore, clear that - apart from the heath risk - lack of adequate investment in aflatoxin research may in the short- medium- and
long-term affect the country economically as our produce ends up
having higher levels of aflatoxin due to poor produce management.
Holding the bull by the horns
However, all these may be averted by simply putting up proper
guidelines on aflatoxin control and management. Higher knowledge
levels on aflatoxin control may improve the quality and marketability
of our legumes.
And, from the look of things, government seems to be aware of the issue. Principal Secretary in the Ministry of Industry and Trade Alex Gomani says issues to do with aflatoxin are handled by the Ministry
of Agriculture. And Agriculture Principal Secretary Jeffrey Luhanga says the ministry has a technical committee that deals with the issue.
Among other efforts at international level, the US-based International Food Policy Research Institute has been urging countries to promote a sector-wide approach in addressing the issue of aflatoxin control, calling for agricultural, health, nutritional and value-chain experts’ need to work together to raise awareness of the public health impacts of consuming unsafe food.
The institute has also been imploring governments to improve drying,
sorting and storage both on-farm and throughout the value chain;
provide training and access to equipment to change inappropriate
practices such as by facilitating access to mechanical shellers to
stop hand-shelling, among others.
But the jury is still out on whether these efforts are enough to stem death arising from aflatoxin exposure.
An Attack On One Man Sheds More Light on Security Lapses In Blantyre
An ambush is a very tricky thing and it is the rare victim who carries it off because, more often than not, the attacked individual is left with the impression that had they only come a little earlier, or later, it would never have happened to them. This is the situation Dr. Tommy Hamilton, a precious stones’ expert, found himself in recently. RICHARD CHIROMBO writes:
Twice, they floored him. And twice he screamed. But his shouts for help were no less than a soliloquy. He was like a man standing on a bare stage surrounded by big men with big knives.
“There were people close by but, no matter how loud I shouted, nobody came to my rescue. Nobody seemed to care,” says Dr. Tommy Hamilton, an expert in precious stones.
He is referring to his ordeal at the hands of unknown assailants who attacked him at Kandodo Corner Shop in Blantyre. This happened on the Saturday of February 22 this year.
“What surprises me is that the thugs who singled me out committed their hideous crime during what I would describe as ‘near-day’ evening; it was only 7 o’clock in the evening, for God’s sake. What’s more? There were armed police officers at a filling station close by. All these factors could not hinder the attackers from committing a crime,” says Hamilton.
For this attack on his person, Hamilton sustained serious injuries on his neck and right leg, while his left arm was lifeless, unable to raise itself up or bring itself down. Not even his muscles could move it an inch.
But this (the injured hand) is what remained on his body; things the thugs could not take away.
Some things were, however, portable.
“For instance, they went away with my travel bag, Nokia N97 mobile phone, ATM cards, and K35, 000 cash. I could not handle them alone; seeing, as it were, that they had dangerous weapons. They had sharp, shiny knives; they had big pipes, one of which was used to hit my neck. The pain has not eased down,” says Hamilton, some three days after the attack.
Hope amidst pain
As a responsible citizen armed with the knowledge that fore-warned is fore-armed, Hamilton reported to Kabula Police Station. Part of a letter dated February 22, and written by one of the police officers on duty, reads:
“The bearer of this note has been wounded, so we have sent him to your good office for medical treatment. Please assist him then feed us with your findings for our records’ purposes.”
And a medical report from Queen Elizabeth Central Hospital (Qech) indicates that the patient suffered trauma, sustained minor injuries, and described treatment for his injuries as a “priority”.
“I reported the issue to police because I did not want others to fall into the same trap. But I had also hoped that some police officers would accompany me to the scene of the incident because I had hit one of the attackers in the head with a stone and his friends fled, leaving him there.
“To my disappointment, however, I was told by some police officers that ‘You should just thank your God that He has spared your life and you are alive’. Others were even more brunt; they told me that since the current administration was against the Shoot-to-Kill policy (touted by former president Bingu wa Mutharika), ‘This is the price you have to pay. Do you want us to injure the suspected criminals and be subjected to criminal justice for trying to save your soul? It doesn’t make sense’.”
Hamilton says he tried to reason with the officers, to no avail.
“But I was shocked that, during my first 50 minutes at Qech, four more people came. They had been attacked at the very same spot. One of them was badly injured in the leg, and I do not think he still has that leg on him. I heard one of the medical workers talk about amputation,” says Hamilton.
Not that he does not trust the Malawi Police Service. He remembers that armed robbers once descended on his house in BCA Residential Area in 2010, and that police officers tracked the attackers and brought them to justice.
However, when unknown people attacked him around 8 o’clock in the evening in Bangwe Township in 2011, Bangwe Police Station failed to arrest anyone and, just when he was about to forget that incident, thugs have attacked again, leaving him with a left arm that cannot hold anything.
That is not all, however. Hamilton, who stays in Lilongwe, came to Blantyre to finalise preparations for a Night of Prayer at Hill Crescent in Kabula (location) scheduled for February 28. Instead of attending the prayers, he was forced to go back to Lilongwe to continue medical treatment.
In fact, he did not even have the cash on him, and, so, he depended on well-wishers who gave him a ride to Lilongwe in a freightliner.
Official side
On her part, Blantyre Police public relations officer, Elizabeth Divala, says officers have intensified security patrols, and that the area in question is well-monitored by officers.
“If he (Hamilton) says he was attacked around 7 PM, I can assure you that we had police officers working around that area and, in terms of security, the area was well-covered,” says Divala, adding:
“You may wish to know that we have intensified security patrols in Blantyre and police officers, in both uniform and civilian attire, are always on the look-out for suspects. This is because we are committed to providing high level security to residents through our station and sub-stations such as Ndirande and Chilomoni.”
Divala also says the police station has patrol vehicles that move from place to place, in the course of responding to residents’ calls for help.
“In the past, we used to have 997 response vehicles. We now have 990, and those who want help should call 990 and they will be helped accordingly. But some residents abuse the facility, and make bogus calls. This is bad because it deprives other people of service and puts their life in danger,” says Divala.
She says all these efforts- all these interventions- are premised on one goal: To rid Blantyre of that biggest problem, the loneliness that hits one when criminals pounce!
Plenty of Talented Artists, No Records: The Case of Malawi
Malawi’s artistic world remains largely an uncharted path both to locals and the international community, reducing perceptions about the country’s authentic identity to a blurred mix of half lies, half-truths, or nothing at all. Little seems to have changed, in terms of moving from an oral society to a records-society, some 49 down the lane of independence, so much so that getting in touch with anything artistic is like tumbling like a clueless explorer into a chaotic and Stone Age world. RICHARD CHIROMBO writes.
The lowest point comes at death, which serves as a (metaphorical) macabre souvenir that characterises the genetic time bomb that ticks away all over Malawi’s artistic sphere. Without a national Cultural Policy, and with little to no efforts being made immortalise the adventures of local artists through publications, what else can the nation expect?
In the end, the greatest loser is Malawi’s next generations, who run the risk of having no records to refer to on issues artistic. Already, the time bomb that is failure to keep records of artists that have contributed a lot to the development of the arts in the country has begun to annihilate important facts about Malawi music, poetry, painting, traditional dances, among others.
As opposed to other countries, including African countries such as Uganda, South Africa, Zimbabwe and even Zambia- where legacies and remnants of culture are carried on through the new cult of public records- death almost always marks the end of the historical journey for Malawian artists.
A good case in point is given by British Cultural Studies scholar Tony Michael Monason who, writing in an essay titled ‘Understanding African Cultures Through Dance and Music’, observed in 2012 that a search for authentic culture in Malawi is “largely a futile attempt” because, “as I discovered”, key aspects are abandoned “in the past”, a development he attributed to the trend of neglecting the role of records in national development.
Missed train
The result, as veteran musician Wyndham Chechamba puts it, is that “most musicians have not learned from veterans like me and other great sons and daughters of Malawi; hence the tendency (by up-and-coming artists) to overdo some things, in terms of the emotional aspect of music, leaving out equally important aspects such as authentic value”.
But Chechamba, who clocks 80 years in March this year, does not only blame this on the country’s failure to keep track of itself through records. He says, in terms of the country’s music industry, the absence of music schools is another factor that has hindered the transfer of knowledge from those who are knowledgeable enough to those who have not yet caught the right rope to take them to the top.
That is why, he observes, Malawians have been struggling to trace their music identity because of their failure to hold on to the past through records. What cost will Malawians pay for this blatant disregard for records?
“We will be poorly equipped to cope with the future demands of, say, music because, for you to improve, you need to know where you are coming from. I mean, future demands for our (Malawi’s) original music identity and the artists who played a key role in creating that identity,” he says, suggesting that, in most cases, the people who create do not necessarily have to be the ones to preserve. “We have a role to preserve what has been handed down to us.”
And, talking of preserving what has been handed down to us, artist Elson Aaron Kambalu says Malawi seems not to be learning from history’s tough lessons, citing the continued annihilation of cultural and historical sites.
Kambalu points at the issue of the demolition of the old District Commissioner’s office in Lilongwe, a decision he fought hard to get rescinded. The artist also penned a proposal with the aim of safeguarding and preserving the country’s heritage sites.
Observes Kambalu: “We must remember that we have children who may wish to refer back to things at some point in their life. That is where the issue of heritages sites, and the important role they play in a nation’s history, comes in. I suggest that all buildings built before 1950 should never be demolished, except with a letter and special permit explicitly written and signed by the minister responsible for either land or tourism, and also that we should preserve the history of our artists. This will promote accountability in handling matters pertaining to our cultural heritage as well as heritage sites.”
Lost opportunity
Is it not a shame that the story of one of Malawi’s widely anthologised poets, David James Lubadiri, should be celebrated more in Uganda (where he has lectured and sharpened the minds of Ugandans and other nationals) than Malawi?
Why should countries such as Cameroon beat us when it comes to celebrating their poets, the likes of Ferdinad Oyono? What is so special about countries such as Uganda, for them to record aptly document the story of play wrights such as John Ruganda of ‘The Burdens, Black Mamba and the Floods’ while we overlook ours?
Just recently (in early February), chief judge in the Malawi Writers Union (Mawu)/First Merchant Bank Short Story Competition, Jonathan Mbuna, bemoaned that 70 percent of the 77 (short story) entries received had “serious” grammatical mistakes.
The question is: How could there be improvements when the writers had no references (in terms of records) from which to draw lessons?
Fortunately, there are people who understand that Malawi has done little to honour its greatest sons and daughters in the arts. Now there is hope that artists such as Musicians Association of Malawi president, Rev. Chimwemwe Mhango, may help the nation recover from its losses.
“May be it may not be possible to right the wrongs at once, but we can start doing things that may rectify the problems we face. For example, through awards and refresher courses and training workshops, we can begin to raise the profile of our artists and, then, possibly, document the major aspects of their lives,” Mhango says.
Mhango acknowledges that the one thing missing about local artists are locally-available records. For instance, while it is difficult to locally find records documenting the musical path of the late Daniel Kachamba, the same can be found in the 1988 edition of the ‘Year Book of Traditional Music’ published by the International Council for Traditional Music.
However, another school of thought advances the argument that keeping records is not as difficult as it seems.
For example, Mawu president Sambalikagwa Mvona says keeping records cannot be a problem to unions such as Mawu.
“The main issue is resources. We need financial resources and these resources have not been easy to come by,” Mvona says.
Facing the future
But, even if we had records about local artists littered in every public library, one aspect is bound to plague such a dream-spectacle: Women.
Ask Theatre Association of Malawi vice-president, Joyce Mhango, about the recognition of local women in the arts and she will be quick to point out that, despite playing a key role in the background, talented women have largely been sidelined.
“It has always been a challenge for women to take up leading roles in male-dominated spheres, including executive positions in arts associations. So, we really need to be accommodative for the history of the arts in the country to be complete. To achieve that, however, there is need for women to support fellow women,” Mhango says.
Mhango adds that records without women will not necessarily reflect the complimentary roles of men and women in the arts, and calls for the recognition of women.
While acknowledging that failure to keep records has been costly to the nation, Culture and Tourism Minister Moses Kunkuyu says the current administration is committed to uplifting the arts, saying things are bound to improve once work on the Cultural Policy gets finalised.
“At the moment, we are looking at a number of issues that could help improve the way we do things in the arts. If we join hands, we can overcome so many challenges and succeed,” he says.
Otherwise, each artist’s death may continue to be a macabre souvenir of the national time bomb that ticks away all over Malawi: Failure to keep records. And nothing will prepare us for the life without the artist in question!
Monday, February 24, 2014
PUBLIC NOTICE: Challenging Eligibility of Candidates for the 2014 Tripartite Elections
BACKGROUND
The Malawi Electoral Commission received nomination papers from candidates for the May 20, 2014 Presidential, Parliamentary and
Local Government Elections from 10 to 14th February, 2014.
For one to be duly nominated to contest in elections, the law provides that he or she should;
a) Have attained the age of 21 years in case of Local Government and Parliamentary Elections and 35 years or age in case of Presidential Election
b) Should be a Malawi citizen
Notwithstanding the above, no one is eligible to be nominated to contest in Presidential, Parliamentary or Local Government Elections,if the person:
a) Has been adjudged or declared to be of unsound mind;
b) Is an undischarged bankrupt having been declared under a law of the Republic;
c) Has, within the last seven years, been convicted by a competent court of a crime involving dishonesty or moral turpitude;
d) Owes allegiance to a foreign country;
e) Holds, or acts, in any public office or appointment, except where this Constitution provided that a person shall not be
disqualified from standing for election solely on account of holding that office or appointment or where that person resigns
from that office in order to stand;
f) Is a serving member of the Defence Force or Malawi Police Service; or
g) Has within the last seven years, been convicted by a competent court of any violation of any law relating to election
of the President or election of the Members of Parliament.
CHALLENGING ELIGIBILITY
The Malawi Electoral Commission is urging the public to inform it if they are aware of any candidate who has submitted nomination
papers but is not meeting the criteria above for him or her to contest in an election.
The information will be treated with confidence and should be submitted in writing stating name of candidate, the ward or
constituency being vied for and specific criterion not met. The information should be sent before Friday, February 28, 2014 to the following address:
The Chief Elections Officer,
Malawi Electoral Commission,
Chisankho House,
Private Bag 113,
Blantyre
or email ceo@mec.org.mw
Signed this 22nd day of February, 2014
Willie Kalonga
Chief Elections Officer
MALAWI ELECTORAL COMMISSION'S LIST OF NOMINATED PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES IN THE MAY 20, 2014 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
WHEREAS the Malawi Electoral Commission ‘hereinafter called the Commission’ received nomination papers from
aspiring Presidential candidates at the Chichiri International Conference Centre (COMESA) Hall in Blantyre from 10
th to 14th February, 2014;
WHEREAS the Commission analysed all the nomination papers of all the Presidential candidates;
WHEREAS the Commission took cognizance of the qualifications and disqualifications of a Presidential candidate in accordance with the following:
Malawi Constitution Section 80(3): Every presidential candidate shall declare who shall be his or her First Vice President if he or she is elected at the time of his or her nomination.
Section 80 (6): Notwithstanding any provision of this Constitution to the contrary, a person shall only be qualified
for nomination for election as President or First Vice-President or for appointment as First Vice-President or Second Vice-
President if that person:
a) Is a citizen of Malawi by birth or descent; and
b) Has attained the age of thirty-five years.
Section 80(7): No person shall be eligible for nomination as a candidate for election as President or First Vice-President or
for appointment as First Vice –president or Second Vice-President if that person-a) Has been adjudged or declared to be of unsound mind;
b) Is an undischarged bankrupt having been declared under a law of the Republic;
c) Has, within the last seven years, been convicted by a competent court of a crime involving dishonesty or moral turpitude;
d) Owes allegiance to a foreign country;
e) Is a holder of a public office or a Member of Parliament, unless that person first resigns;
f) Is a serving member of the Defence Force or Malawi Police Service; or
g) Has within the last seven years, been convicted by a competent court of any violation of any law relating to election of the President or election of the members of Parliament.
Parliamentary and Presidential Elections Act Section 49(1): The nomination of a candidate for election to the office of President shall be made by at least ten registered voters in each district each of whom shall sign the nomination paper in the prescribed form which-
a) The candidate or his election representative shall lodge with the Commission;
b) Shall be countersigned by the candidate, endorsing thereby his acceptance of the nomination;
Section 50(1): At the same time as nomination papers are lodged by or on behalf of a candidate for election as President, there shall be deposited with the Commission by or on behalf of the person nominated, such sum as may be fixed by the Commission.
IN PURSUANCE of Section 51 of the Parliamentary and Presidential Elections Act (Cap. 2:01) of the Laws of Malawi;
DO HEREBY DECLARE and MAKE KNOWN that the Presidential candidates in the Schedule have been duly nominated to contest the 20th May, 2014 Presidential Elections in the Republic of Malawi.
Should there be any person aware of the facts contrary to the provisions above in respect of any candidate, let them
write the Commission, within seven days of the publication of this notice, providing evidence on the same to the following
address:
The Chief Elections Officer,
Malawi Electoral Commission,
Chisankho House,
Private Bag 113,
Blantyre
or email ceo@mec.org.mw
Made this 19th day of February, 2014.
Justice Maxon Raphael Mbendera, SC
CHAIRPERSON
NAMES OF VALIDLY NOMINATED PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES WERE:
1. People’s Party (PP, Dr Joyce Hilda Banda (Female) and Sosten Alfred Gwengwe (Male)
2. Malawi Congress Party (MCP), Dr. Lazarus McCarthy Chakwera (male) and Richard Msowoya (male)
3. People’s Transformation Party (PETRA), Kamuzu Walter Chibambo (male) and White Millen Scander (male)
4. New Labour Party (NLP), Friday Anderson Jumbe (male) and Joseph Petro Kubwalo (male)
5.Chipani Cha Pfuko (CCP), Aaron Davies Chester Katsonga (male) and Godfrey Matenganya (male)
6. Peoples Progressive Movement (PPM), Mark Katsonga Phiri (male) and Prof Jacob Fojamuheni Crossan Mbunge (male)
7. United Democratic Front (UDF), Atupele Muluzi (male) and Dr. Godfrey Moses Chapola (male)
8.Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Prof. Peter Mutharika (male) Saulos Klaus Chilima (male)
9. Malawi Forum for Unity and Development (MAFUNDE, George Nnesa (male) and Sylvester Chabuka (male)
10. National Salvation Front (NASAF), James Mbowe Nyondo (male) and Ethel Peter Changa (female)
11.United Independence Party (UIP), Abusa Helen Singh (female) and Chrissy Ndhliwase Tembo (female)
Tuesday, February 18, 2014
CfSC January Urban Basic Needs Basket : Soaring fuel prices undermining living conditions
The Centre for Social Concern (CfSC) is alarmed by the rate at which fuel prices are increasing in Malawi and the apparent lack of policy intervention to cushion the poor households from the likely adverse effects of such price volatilities.
It is an established tenet that the rise in the pump price of fuel results in an increase in the general cost of living. According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF, 2008), “Rising food and fuel prices both have adverse effects on poverty; however, for the direct poverty impact, the main concerns typically relate to the higher cost of food especially for the urban poor”.
While the risks of increased food insecurity may be more pronounced in urban areas, where people rely exclusively on markets; they are of particular significance in rural areas, too, where in the case of Malawi about 80 percent of the population reside and where a large percentage of poor rural households are net-buyers of food.
Poor consumers are negatively affected by high and volatile prices which also affect producers and other value chain stakeholders. In Malawi, smallholder producers have not benefited from high prices because output price increases are rarely transmitted to the farm level, while increases in input prices are passed on fully and quickly.
It is already evident that many smallholder farmers, who constitute the large majority of Malawi’s agricultural producers, are unable to respond to food price hikes with increased production due to a lack of access to financing facilities, agricultural inputs and markets. As a result, they find themselves struggling in their effort to feed their families.
Worse still, most poor urban consumers do not produce food, so increased food prices reduce their initial real income. For the urban poor who spend a large share of their income on food, shifting to less nutritious food or reducing food intake could be the main coping mechanisms. As a result of lower calorie intake and reduced consumption of vitamins and minerals, undernourishment and micronutrient deficiencies increase.
Intake of less food over a longer period can cause permanent reductions in a child’s health and nutritional well-being. Higher food prices may also reduce spending on non-food items such as education and health (FAO/SOFI, 2012). There is also the risk that in the face of sustained high prices and lack of measures to assist these vulnerable populations, there will be an irreversible impact on human development, particularly for women and children.
Thus, it is evident that the increasing prices for fuel and food products present a difficult policy challenge for Malawi government and does merit policy redress. CfSC believes that addressing the issue of volatile and high oil prices calls for a holistic approach; both the short- and long-term dimensions of the likely economic and social impacts must be addressed.
In this regard, the short-term considerations include how to manage the immediate impact of higher oil prices. CfSC is aware that fuel in Malawi is saddled with a number of levies. Reducing these levies can lead to domestic fuel prices increasing by less than world prices. With the revelations of massive plunder of public resources that goes on in Malawi, CfSC is convinced that the loss in terms of potential tax revenues which such a measure would bring about can easily be recouped by bolstering the public resource management. Governments can adjust the mix of ad-valorem and specific taxes to mitigate the impact of increasing world prices.
One of the bottlenecks in the fuel supply chain in Malawi emanates from limited stocking facilities for fuel products. CfSC commends the Malawi Government for thinking of rehabilitating fuel storage facilities at Chipoka in Salima and in Mchinji. CfSC further calls on Malawi government to increase the capacity of storage facilities by constructing more and stocking them up appropriately.
CfSC is cognizant of the challenges that ESCOM faces in generating and supplying electricity. The crucial role that ESCOM plays in the economy cannot be overemphasized. Further, CfSC recommends the utility ESCOM’s initiatives, such as the introduction of prepaid meters that aim at improving service delivery and enhancing transparency in the manner customers are charged. The recent increase in power generation is also a step in the right direction.
Having said that CfSC is of the view that attention must be paid to a broad range of consequences on the economy as a whole when considering tariffs. Above all, tariff charges must be equitable and just. In view of this, CfSC recommends that ESCOM proposes tariffs rates, especially for residences, which are not out of reach for most Malawians and ones that will not adversely raise the cost of living. The current ESCOM electricity tariffs are outrageously expensive and not in tune with the prevalent income of most Malawians.
For example, the recent study titled “Kunyumbakutu Lero Tagona Ndi Njala! Malawi Employment Act (2000) Monitoring and Salary Survey” (CfSC, 2014) reveals the prevailing incomes for most employed Malawians – most of which fall below the urban basic needs basket. Taking into account all respondents, on average, an employed respondent within the categories interviewed was taking home MK44, 000 as a monthly take home wage.
This ranged from a low of MK3, 000 to a high of MK380, 000. Compared to the recent cost of living data, the average income for most of employed Malawians is way below the basic needs basket.
The Anti-Corruption Bureau Arrests Two Businessmen in Lilongwe
PRESS RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
On 10th February, 2014 the Anti-Corruption Bureau arrested Mr. Allan Harrison Magombo, Managing Director of Down Stairs Building Contractors in relation to the ongoing cash gate investigations. It is suspected that Mr. Allan Harrison Magombo obtained K32, 475,126 .00 from Ministry of Irrigation and Water Development for services which were not rendered to Malawi Government.
He was taken before the Lilongwe Magistrate’s Court. He was charged with one count of conspiracy to commit an offence contrary to Section 35 of the Corrupt Practices Act and two counts of theft contrary to Section 278 of the Penal Code.
He pleaded not guilty to all the counts. He was granted bail on the following conditions:
1. Accused to produce cash bond of MK 2,000,000.00
2. Accused to produce two reliable sureties each bonded MK 500,000.00 cash
3. Accused to surrender his travel documents to ACB
4. Accused to report at ACB every Mondays
On 12th February, 2014, the Anti-Corruption Bureau arrested Mr. Albert Phillip Mwenibabu sole Proprietor of Mweni Civil Engineering in relation to the ongoing cash gate investigations. It is suspected that Mr. Albert Phillip Mwenibabu obtained K39, 183, 997.26 from Ministry of Irrigation and Water Development for services which were not rendered to Malawi Government.
He was taken before the Lilongwe Magistrate’s Court. He was charged with one count of theft contrary to Section 278 of the Penal Code and two counts of money laundering contrary to Section 35 (1) (c) of the Money Laundering, Proceeds of Serious Crimes and Terrorist Financing Act.
He pleaded not guilty to all the counts. He was granted bail on the following conditions:
1.The accused to surrender a cash bond of MK1,000,000.00 to the Court
2.The accused to furnish two sureties bonded at MK500,000.00 not cash each
3.The accused to be reporting at the ACB Offices once a week
4.The accused to surrender a travel document to the Bureau
5.Accused to report at ACB every Mondays
The suspect has not yet paid the money. He is in police custody.
The matters have been adjourned to 24th and 26th February, 2014, respectively, from 9:00 am.
EGRITA M. NDALA
SENIOR PUBLIC RELATIONS OFFICER
FOR: DIRECTOR GENERAL
Monday, February 17, 2014
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: 14 FEBRUARY 2014 FORENSIC AUDIT STATEMENT FROM THE BRITISH HIGH COMMISSIONER MR. MICHAEL NEVIN
Press Release
“We have noted some comments raising concerns about the credibility of the forensic audit report because it has not been made public on 14 February. The British Government is funding the forensic audit and has been kept informed of progress.
While a draft is complete, there are certain finalising procedures that the auditors need to go through as standard practice. The Government of Malawi has given assurances that the report will be independent and not subject to political manipulation. We welcome that commitment.
s will need to be kept confidential because of the prospect of legal action, the Government of Malawi has promised to publish the main report as received in its final form, which we support. Additionally, as an extra surety, the British Government will also receive copies direct from the auditors.
The focus should then be on the necessary actions that the authorities will need to take in response to the report.”
Follow us on twitter: @ukinmalawi
Follow us on facebook: fb.com/ukinmalawi
Friday, February 14, 2014
AFRICAN PARKS SAYS: PRESIDENT IDRISS DEBY OF CHAD COMMITS TO DESTROYING IVORY STOCKPILE AMONGST RANGE OF ELEPHANT PROTECTION MEASURES
Press Release 14 February 2014
The President of the Republic of Chad, His Excellency Idriss Déby Itno, has announced the imminent destruction of his country’s ivory stockpile, amongst a range of elephant protection measures to be implemented as Chad takes the lead in the fight to protect Central Africa’s savannah elephants.
Next week President Déby Itno will lead his cabinet to Zakouma National Park for the burning of over 1.2 tons of ivory that have been stockpiled in Chad over the past five years. The ivory burn signifies Chad’s firm commitment to combatting the elephant poaching that has decimated the region’s once thriving elephant population. Fifty years ago the Republic of Chad was teeming with 50 000 elephants; today the population is estimated to be around 1 500.
President Déby yesterday pledged support for a new Elephant Protection Initiative at the UK Government’s London Summit on the Illegal Wildlife Trade and confirmed a range of measures aimed at protecting his country’s elephants. Heads of State from Chad, Botswana, Ethiopia, Gabon and Tanzania all pledged support for the Elephant Protection Initiative, which means they will refrain from any trade in ivory products for a minimum of ten years. The NGO Stop Ivory announced it will make an initial $2 million available to support this pledge.
President Déby said Chad had initiated a National Elephant Protection Plan, which included the destruction of ivory stockpiles and the establishment of a National Elephant Monitoring Centre to track and respond to threats to the country’s elephants. The monitoring centre has already been established and is being managed by African Parks under the auspices of the Chadian Ministry of Environment. African Parks has managed the country’s flagship protected area, Zakouma National Park, since late 2010 and is helping to develop Chad’s elephant protection plan. African Parks successfully halted the killing of elephants in Zakouma after a poaching onslaught between 2006 and 2010 slashed elephant numbers in the park from 4000 to just 450. Not a single elephant has been lost to poaching in Zakouma over the past two years.
The Chadian Government requested African Parks to undertake a survey of Chad’s remaining elephant populations in 2013 and eight free ranging populations were identified outside of Zakouma. Individuals in each of the eight herds have been satellite collared and the signals relayed real-time to the national control centre, which is manned 24 hours a day. A national unit of 350 guards is currently being trained and will be deployed to counteract specific threats to the country’s elephants. A national toll-free number has been set up to enable communities to report threats to elephants, even in remote rural areas.
The burning of Chad’s ivory stockpile on 21 February will form part of Zakouma National Park’s 50th anniversary event, which will include a commemoration and the unveiling of a monument to the 23 guards slain on duty at Zakouma since 1998. This includes the six game guards who were massacred by Sudanese poachers in September 2012.
The President of the Republic of Chad, His Excellency Idriss Déby Itno, has announced the imminent destruction of his country’s ivory stockpile, amongst a range of elephant protection measures to be implemented as Chad takes the lead in the fight to protect Central Africa’s savannah elephants.
Next week President Déby Itno will lead his cabinet to Zakouma National Park for the burning of over 1.2 tons of ivory that have been stockpiled in Chad over the past five years. The ivory burn signifies Chad’s firm commitment to combatting the elephant poaching that has decimated the region’s once thriving elephant population. Fifty years ago the Republic of Chad was teeming with 50 000 elephants; today the population is estimated to be around 1 500.
President Déby yesterday pledged support for a new Elephant Protection Initiative at the UK Government’s London Summit on the Illegal Wildlife Trade and confirmed a range of measures aimed at protecting his country’s elephants. Heads of State from Chad, Botswana, Ethiopia, Gabon and Tanzania all pledged support for the Elephant Protection Initiative, which means they will refrain from any trade in ivory products for a minimum of ten years. The NGO Stop Ivory announced it will make an initial $2 million available to support this pledge.
President Déby said Chad had initiated a National Elephant Protection Plan, which included the destruction of ivory stockpiles and the establishment of a National Elephant Monitoring Centre to track and respond to threats to the country’s elephants. The monitoring centre has already been established and is being managed by African Parks under the auspices of the Chadian Ministry of Environment. African Parks has managed the country’s flagship protected area, Zakouma National Park, since late 2010 and is helping to develop Chad’s elephant protection plan. African Parks successfully halted the killing of elephants in Zakouma after a poaching onslaught between 2006 and 2010 slashed elephant numbers in the park from 4000 to just 450. Not a single elephant has been lost to poaching in Zakouma over the past two years.
The Chadian Government requested African Parks to undertake a survey of Chad’s remaining elephant populations in 2013 and eight free ranging populations were identified outside of Zakouma. Individuals in each of the eight herds have been satellite collared and the signals relayed real-time to the national control centre, which is manned 24 hours a day. A national unit of 350 guards is currently being trained and will be deployed to counteract specific threats to the country’s elephants. A national toll-free number has been set up to enable communities to report threats to elephants, even in remote rural areas.
The burning of Chad’s ivory stockpile on 21 February will form part of Zakouma National Park’s 50th anniversary event, which will include a commemoration and the unveiling of a monument to the 23 guards slain on duty at Zakouma since 1998. This includes the six game guards who were massacred by Sudanese poachers in September 2012.
STATEMENT BY HER EXCELLENCY DR. JOYCE BANDA THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI AND PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE OF THE PEOPLE’S PARTY DURING THE PRESENTATION OF NOMINATION PAPERS TO THE MALAWI ELECTORAL COMMISSION AT COMESA HALL, BLANTYRE ON FRIDAY, 14TH FEBRUARY, 2014
Your Excellency Chief Justice Richard Banda, SC (Retired);
Hon. Sostein Gwengwe, Running mate to President Dr. Joyce Banda and Minister of
Industry and Trade;
Justice Maxon Mbendera, SC, Chairperson, Malawi Electoral Commission;
And all Commissioners here present;
Mr. Willie Kalonga, Chief Elections Officer; Malawi Electoral Commission;
Hon. Paul Maulidi, Acting Secretary General, People’s Party;
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen.
Today I present myself and my running mate, Hon. Sostein Gwengwe, before the people of Malawi as our employers to seek our own full term and mandate to lead this country.
Today, I do this with great joy knowing that our country is much better now than when I took over two years ago.
Our people are no longer desperate for foreign exchange, fuel and other social services. Our economy is posed for sustainable growth. Indeed, a very reputable international audit firm, Earnst and Young has predicted that Malawi is one of the top five fastest growing economies in Africa in the next five years. I hope that we Malawians feel the same.
In laying this foundation, we have diversified the sources and structures of growth of our economy.
My fellow Malawians
Our democratic governance is open, tolerant and based on rule of law and respect for civil liberties. As we know, the previous elections were held in an environment of violence, fear and intimidation. This is not the case now.
As incumbent Head of State, in the past two years, I have worked hard towards building an inclusive, participatory and equitable society. I have shown that it is possible to develop Malawi.
The two years were a transit lounge that prepared me for my own full term and mandate and receive the blessings for the country for the next 50 years.
I want to assure all Malawians that as President of this country, I will ensure that we have peaceful, free and fair elections. Our Police Service and all security agencies are on guard to make sure that we have an electoral process according to law.
My fellow Malawians
Today, I call upon all Malawians to continue with me on this journey as I seek my own full mandate as President of this country.
For the two years I have been President, I have come to the conclusion that our country requires a transformational agenda that can enable all Malawians to step up and step out of basic existence. For the past 50 years, Malawians have been continuously worried about basic survival, with the central agenda being food security but still the majority of our people live in abject poverty.
This transformational agenda is saying that we must reject the condition of our villages as we see them today. We must reject grass thatched houses as the order of the day.
The key principal feature of our transformational agenda is to care for and empower vulnerable segments of our population. Therefore, we will continue with social protection programmes including MASAF IV; Public Works Programme, Housing Scheme, Farm Input Subsidy Programme, Farm Input Loan Programme, A Cow A Family Programme, Food Distribution and Cash Transfer Programmes. These programmes are not meant to be hand outs but an empowerment foundation for our rural masses to begin a journey to transformation.
In the health sector, we have seen that it is possible to reduce maternal mortality, mother to child HIV/AIDS transmission and register significant malaria control.
Hence, I am putting before our people a transformational agenda that seeks to modernize our rural areas, overcome poverty and take Malawi into the middle income economy.
In our transformative agenda, we are committed to spearheading institutional and structural reforms of the agricultural sector which will provide a solid foundation for dramatic and irreversible change in the sector. We must reject that a hoe should be the agricultural implement of choice.
We need to diversify, mechanise, commercialise our agriculture; add value to our produce and promote proper storage facilities and research services in order to achieve food security and spur economic growth.
In the past two years, my Government has registered better tobacco prices and we will ensure that our tobacco farmers continue to get even better prices.
This transformational agenda is saying that we must reject that our people should drink unclean water from unprotected wells.
We must reject the poor quality of education in our schools. We must reject the small number of students being selected into Universities each year. We need to broaden access to and improve quality of education at all levels. We need to refocus vocational and technical training for economic growth and job creation for our youth who constitute the majority of our population. We need to make education for the girl child a key component of our education system.
Yes, we must reject poverty, unemployment, homelessness, hunger, and underdevelopment prevalent in our country and move to transform our country in a sustained and focused manner.
My fellow Malawians
I am presenting before you, my country men and women, a call to get our young people decent jobs. This is a call to get our women and men out of poverty, deprivation and underdevelopment. This is a call to get food for the hungry, to eradicate preventable diseases, to let people find their voice, and restore their dignity.
It is now my pleasure to present to the people of Malawi through the Commission, my nomination for the President of the Republic of Malawi and that of my running mate, Hon. Sostein Alfred Ngwengwe as the Vice President of the Republic of Malawi.
I thank you.
Centre for Social Concern's January Urban Basic Needs Basket: Soaring fuel prices undermining living conditions!
The Centre for Social Concern (CfSC) is alarmed by the rate at which fuel prices are increasing in Malawi and the apparent lack of policy intervention to cushion the poor households from the likely adverse effects of such price volatilities.
It is an established tenet that the rise in the pump price of fuel results in an increase in the general cost of living. According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF, 2008), “Rising food and fuel prices both have adverse effects on poverty; however, for the direct poverty impact, the main concerns typically relate to the
higher cost of food especially for the urban poor”.
While the risks of increased food insecurity may be more pronounced in urban areas, where people rely exclusively on markets; they are of particular significance in rural areas, too, where in the case of Malawi about 80 percent of the population reside and where a large percentage of poor rural households are net-buyers of food.
Poor consumers are negatively affected by high and volatile prices which also affect producers and other value chain stakeholders. In Malawi, smallholder producers have not benefited from high prices because output price increases are rarely transmitted to the farm level, while increases in input prices are passed on fully and quickly.
It is already evident that many smallholder farmers, who constitute the large majority of Malawi’s agricultural producers, are unable to respond to food price hikes with increased production due to a lack of access to financing facilities, agricultural inputs and markets. As a result, they find themselves struggling in their effort to feed their families.
Worse still, most poor urban consumers do not produce food, so increased food prices reduce their initial real income. For the urban poor who spend a large share of their income on food, shifting to less nutritious food or reducing food intake could be the main coping mechanisms. As a result of lower calorie intake and reduced consumption of vitamins and minerals, undernourishment and micro-nutrient deficiencies increase.
Intake of less food over a longer period can cause permanent reductions in a child’s health and nutritional well-being.
Higher food prices may also reduce spending on non-food items such as education and health (FAO/SOFI,2012). There is also the risk that in the face of sustained high prices and lack of measures to assist these vulnerable populations, there will be an irreversible impact on human development, particularly for women and children.
Thus, it is evident that the increasing prices for fuel and food products present a difficult policy challenge for Malawi government and does merit policy redress. CfSC believes that addressing the issue of volatile and high oil prices calls for a holistic approach; both the short- and long-term dimensions of the likely economic and
social impacts must be addressed.
In this regard, the short-term considerations include how to manage the immediate impact of higher oil prices. CfSC is aware that fuel in Malawi is saddled with a number of levies.
Reducing these levies can lead to domestic fuel prices increasing by less than world prices. With the revelations of massive plunder of public resources that goes on in Malawi, CfSC is convinced that the loss in terms of potential tax revenues which such a measure would bring about can easily be recouped by bolstering the public resource management. Governments can adjust the mix of ad-valor em and specific taxes to
mitigate the impact of increasing world prices.
One of the bottlenecks in the fuel supply chain in Malawi emanates from limited stocking facilities for fuel products. CfSC commends the Malawi Government for thinking of rehabilitating fuel storage facilities at Chipoka in Salima and in Mchinji.
CfSC further calls on Malawi government to increase the capacity of storage
facilities by constructing more and stocking them up appropriately.
PROFILE OF HONOURABLE SOSTEN ALFRED GWENGWE, PEOPLE’S PARTY PRESIDENTIAL RUNNING MATE IN THE 2014 GENERAL ELECTIONS
Honourable Sosten Alfred Gwengwe was born on 20th May 1977. He was born to Mr. Alfred Gwengwe of TA Kaphuka in Dedza and Mrs. Alice Gwengwe of TA Mazengera in Lilongwe.
He did his primary school in Lilongwe, his secondary school at Umbwi in Dedza, where he was selected to pursue a Bachelor of Accountancy Degree at the Polytechnic, University of Malawi. He graduated in 1999.
He obtained an MBA specializing in Finance from Oxford Brookes University, UK in 2003. He is a chartered and qualified management Accountant with the Chartered Institute of Management Accountants (CIMA).
Between 2005 and 2008, while in the UK, he taught at various colleges in London.
In 2008, he returned to Malawi and founded the Alice Gwengwe Foundation, a Girls Private Secondary School in Linthipe, Dedza and also managed the Dzuka Girls Secondary School in Nathenje Lilongwe.
He successfully campaigned for a parliamentary seat in Dedza Central, and was voted as a Member of Parliament in the 2009 General Elections. In 2009, he was appointed Shadow Finance Minister for the Malawi Congress Party. He was the Finance Spokesperson in Parliament for the MCP. He has also served in the Budget and Finance Committee of Parliament, and the International Relations Committee of Parliament and the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA).
In April 2012, Honorable Gwengwe was appointed Deputy Minister of Transport and Infrastructure. In December 2012, he was appointed Minister of Industry and Trade, a position he serves to date. Honorable Gwengwe has been a guest speaker at various international fora, including the Dubai- Africa Business Forum 2013, the UK- Malawi Investment Forum in London among many others.
He is Christian of Inter Pentecostal faith, and is married to Enelesi Gwengwe of T/A Kalonga, Salima. They have two children.
STATEMENT BY HER EXCELLENCY DR JOYCE BANDA PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI DURING A NEWS CONFERENCE AT SANJIKA PALACE, BLANTYRE ON THURSDAY, 13TH FEBRUARY
THURSDAY, 13TH FEBRUARY, 2014
Welcome to Sanjika Palace.
As you are aware that tomorrow, Friday 14th February 2014, is my turn to present my nomination papers for the forthcoming Presidential Elections. This will mark my formal declaration of my candidature for the position of president of the republic of Malawi.
As required by law, I am supposed to present my nomination papers together with my running mate. As a nation, we have made a decision that Malawi comes first and everything else second. As a nation, we believe that our destiny and our future are firmly in our hands.
As a nation, the decisions that leaders make on such matters as choice of running mates are matters of our shared national destiny. Distinguished Ladies and gentlemen this is what informs my leadership philosophy.
Guided by the above principle therefore, I took time to reflect on the vision that I and my Government intend to implement as our country continues on the path to rebuilding and transforming our country.
I also took time to consult and pray over this very important matter.
In this regard, I am pleased to announce to the nation that I have chosen Hon. Sostein Gwengwe, Minister of Industry and Trade as my running mate in the forth coming Presidential Elections.
I now invite Hon. Ralph Jooma to read Hon. Gwengwe’s profile.
I wish to thank Hon. Gwengwe for accepting to offer himself to serve his country in this capacity.
I thank you all for your attention.
Thursday, February 13, 2014
Anti-Corruption Bureau Arrests Businessman in Lilongwe
For Immediate Release
On 10th February, 2014 the Anti-Corruption Bureau arrested Mr. Philbert Mkandawire Managing Director of Mahembe Civil Engineering in relation to the ongoing cash gate investigations. It is suspected that Mr. Philbert Mkandawire obtained K15, 728, 541.00 from Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development for services which were not rendered.
He was taken before the Senior Resident Magistrate’s Court in Lilongwe. He was charged with three counts of money laundering contrary to Section 35(C) of the Money Laundering, Proceeds of Crime and Terrorist Financing Act; and three counts of obtaining money by false pretences contrary to Section 319 of the Penal Code.
He pleaded not guilty to all the counts. He was granted bail on the following conditions:
The accused to surrender a cash bond of MK2,000,000.00 to the Court;
The accused to furnish two sureties bonded at MK1,000,000.00 cash each;
The accused to be reporting at the ACB Offices twice a week;
The accused to surrender a travel document to the Bureau; and
The accused not to leave Lilongwe without the ACB’s Director General.
He failed to meet the stipulated monetary condition as part of the bail conditions. As such, he was taken to Maula Prison on remand.
The matter has been adjourned to 4th March, 2014 for the State for commencement of trial.
EGRITA M. NDALA
SENIOR PUBLIC RELATIONS OFFICER
FOR: DIRECTOR GENERAL
On 10th February, 2014 the Anti-Corruption Bureau arrested Mr. Philbert Mkandawire Managing Director of Mahembe Civil Engineering in relation to the ongoing cash gate investigations. It is suspected that Mr. Philbert Mkandawire obtained K15, 728, 541.00 from Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development for services which were not rendered.
He was taken before the Senior Resident Magistrate’s Court in Lilongwe. He was charged with three counts of money laundering contrary to Section 35(C) of the Money Laundering, Proceeds of Crime and Terrorist Financing Act; and three counts of obtaining money by false pretences contrary to Section 319 of the Penal Code.
He pleaded not guilty to all the counts. He was granted bail on the following conditions:
The accused to surrender a cash bond of MK2,000,000.00 to the Court;
The accused to furnish two sureties bonded at MK1,000,000.00 cash each;
The accused to be reporting at the ACB Offices twice a week;
The accused to surrender a travel document to the Bureau; and
The accused not to leave Lilongwe without the ACB’s Director General.
He failed to meet the stipulated monetary condition as part of the bail conditions. As such, he was taken to Maula Prison on remand.
The matter has been adjourned to 4th March, 2014 for the State for commencement of trial.
EGRITA M. NDALA
SENIOR PUBLIC RELATIONS OFFICER
FOR: DIRECTOR GENERAL
Wednesday, February 12, 2014
COURT FINDS CIVIL SERVANT AND ANOTHER GUILTY FOR CORRUPTION IN LILONGWE
In 2011, the Anti-Corruption Bureau received a complaint alleging that Howard Njewa, Principal Accountant in the Ministry of Economic Planning and development assisted his close friend Brian Bandawe in the contract which he was awarded to supply and clean carpets and supply and fit vertical blinds at the Ministry of Economic Planning and Development.
The Anti-Corruption Bureau instituted an investigation where it established that Howard Njewa assisted his friend to secure a contract at the Ministry of Economic Planning and Development where he was the project accountant with intent to profit from the contract.
The Anti-Corruption Bureau took Howard Njewa and Brian Bandawe to court. Njewa was charged with one count of having advantage for giving assistance in regard to contracts and one count of abuse of public office contrary to Sections 29 (1) and 25B (1) of the Corrupt Practices Act. Brian Bandawe was charged with inducing a public officer to give him an advantage in regard to a contract and inducing a public officer to abuse a public office contrary to Sections 29 (2) and 25 B (2) of the Corrupt Practices Act.
On 6th February, 2014, the Lilongwe Chief Resident Magistrate’s Court found Howard Njewa and Brian Bandawe guilty of all the counts respectively and convicted them accordingly.
On 10th February, 2014, the Court sentenced the each one of them to four years imprisonment with hard labour. The sentence is effective from 6th February, the day of their conviction.
EGRITA M. NDALA
SENIOR PUBLIC RELATIONS OFFICER
FOR: DIRECTOR GENERAL
Cash Gate 'Jig Saw'
Preamble
We, the NGO community, Business captains, Labour movements and Media fraternity under the auspices of SCO grand coalition and building in December 2013 CSO Kalikuti consensus which mandated CONGOMA Chairperson to assemble a team of CSO Leaders to lead the CSO advocacy on Cash Gate, within the spirit of the Coalition, would like to provide its voice on recent developments on the issue as follows:
Concerns
The Civil Society are concerned with the following:
1. Delayed release of the forensic audit report while ironically the Report seems to be with IMF already to the surprise and alienation of Malawians. Parliament has equally been sidelined to debate these issues and we wonder for whose benefit was the audit report, who is in-charge of this country, why excluding our governance institutions and the people of Malawi?
Is this democracy? Continued rhetoric and empty choruses by the Government, of fighting corruption when, there is clear shielding and preferential treatment of Cash Gate suspects. This lack of genuine political will to decisively root out corruption is the biggest cause of rampant corruption in the country.
2. Continued suffering of ordinary Malawians by among other things non- abated drug and supplies stock outs in public hospitals that have become the order of the day and rising prices of goods and services on account of cash gate, while the leadership is busy crowding out Civil Servants by distributing maize to rural masses, instead of sitting in the office to work out a working strategy to alleviate the suffering of Malawians.
3. Unimpressive start of Cash Gate cases in Courts marred by slow pace of the cases when the nation was told there will be special measures to speed up the cases. At the pace we are going it will take years before the truth is known. This is a raw deal to Malawians who, as we fear, will go to the polls on 20 May 2014 without knowing who is who in this looting of public funds and may end up entrusting the same leaders who are actually at the centre of Cash Gate without any eventual and consequent recourse.
Our Appeal
In view of the above, we appeal that:
1. Forensic audit report should without failure be released by 14th of February 2014 and should be made public.
2. The State President in consultation with the Speaker should convene Parliament before 24th February 2014 and be given time to discuss the report thoroughly and agree on the way forward.
3. The Courts should be seen to be moving with speed on cash gate cases and not adjourn cases for long periods of time under the guise of fair trial which is unfair to the majority of Malawians.
Conclusion
The issue of cash gate has negatively affected most Malawians and as Civil Society, within our mandates, have a duty to inform Malawians and empower them to make their Government accountable. The power to decide the future of this country lies is in the hands of Malawians.
We also call upon all public Officers handling the cash gate cases in various portfolios that they should refrain from being influenced, enticed, corrupted or induced in any way to do contrary to their job codes because the truth and the law will catch up with them sooner than later.
A better and corrupt free Malawi is possible
Signed on behalf of all members of the Grand Coalition by :
Voice Mhone-Chairperson, CONGOMA
Steven Duwa-Chaiperson, MESN
Anthony Kasunda - Chairperson, NAMISA
Ronald Mbewe-Vice president, MCTU
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)