Development Challenges Facing Mwanza, Neno Districts

White elephants derail Mwanza, Neno development agenda



Sub-Traditional Authority Govati of Mwanza does not remember the last time he saw a wild elephant in the district. Yet, every time he steps out of his house, another type of elephant awaits him: The white one!


“We have a lot of white elephants in Mwanza. From Thambani, which falls in my area, and other faraway places, we simply have so many of these. Politics seems to have perpetuated the trend,” Govati says.


Of course, he is referring to uncompleted projects, and not necessarily elephants with ‘white’ skin. After all, according to www.marylandzoo.org, elephants only have “gray” and “wrinkled” skin. The website adds that elephants are known as pachyderms, along with hippos and rhinos, a name derived from the Latin words for “thick” and “skin” (‘derm’) to literally mean “thick-skin”.


To strengthen his case, Govati cites uncompleted houses marked for teachers and healthcare service delivery workers.


“We have a situation at Thambani (Trading Centre) where two houses meant for health workers have remained uncompleted for years. Again, at Kalanga Primary School, a teacher’s house built through the efforts of the Area Development Committee (ADC) has not reached window level some three, four years after the project begun,” Govati says.


Govati says other abandoned projects include a gravity water project that has remained a pipedream even after the commencement of ground work.


Unfortunately, Govati’s subjects are not the only ones affected as Inkosi Kanduku can testify of having his fair share of white elephants.


Kanduku says one of the hardest hit sectors is education, where learners have to cover a distance of between five and 10 kilometres to get to the nearest learning facility because the schools in their area do not meet minimum standards.


“For example, we have the case of Futsa Community Day Secondary School. Construction of a school block, courtesy of the European Union, started and completed in 2009 but, up to now, nobody knows when the school will open its doors to our children because there is no tangible progress. In fact, some people are using the school block as a hall,” Kanduku says.


But the Ngoni chief puts his foot down on suggestions that education officials should open the school to learners, saying it is better for community members to hold their breaths until the facility meets minimum standards other than expose their children to a deplorable learning environment.


However, the decision to keep the block closed to learners has come at a cost as learners from neighbouring areas such as Tulonkhondo have to cover a distance of more than eight kilometres to access education facilities at Thawale Community Day Secondary School in the district. However, the forum for District stakeholders adopted the proposal by Councilors Moses Bingalasi Walota and Lloyd Gosho and T/A Govati’s proposals to open the school for forms 1 and 2 while communities contribute sand and mould bricks for the remaining blocks and teachers’ houses. The two Mwanza West Councillors further pledged to present the proposal to their MP Hon. Davis Katsonga and that they facilitate the use of the Constituency Development Fund to complete the school block besides other sources of funds facilitated by the District Council time to time.







Stitch in time

Fortunately for Mwanza residents, Dan Church Aid, with support from Tilitonse Fund, has come to their rescue, thanks to the ‘Collaborative Action in Strengthening Local Governance Project’ being implemented by the Association of Progressive Women (APW).


Concerned with increased cases of abandoned projects, APW invited community members to consultative forums and mobilisation meetings in a quest to shape community perspectives and understanding around key development issues between the month of February and March this year. These efforts culminated in a number of community dialogues taking place with various community leaders in following up the unfinished or stalled projects.


“Among other things, we discovered that there is lack of coordination at various levels of government, which suffocates patriotism and community ownership to project implementation. There is also little coordination between the Central Government and District Councils in drawing up development plans and annual budgets,” Grace Moyo, the project officer, says, adding:


“There are also inadequate resources for councils to help build capacity of the Village Development Committees (VDC) and ADCs, training of traditional leaders on their new roles in democratic governance, coupled with deficiency in policy analysis, advocacy and low education levels. Deficiencies in coordination between these levels of governance are clearly demonstrated in the manner in which communities handled all these stalled and unfinished projects.”


Moyo observes that citizen influence has been generally low with their inputs having only peripheral effects in effecting positive change.


Her sentiments are echoed by programme manager, Noel Msiska, who cites a case in Kanduku’s and Mlauli areas.


Msiska says community members, through the VDC, proposed the construction of a bridge over a drift at Mkwilira River in a bid to address mobility problems faced by the pupils and residents around Dzomodya, Mbirizi, Mtaya, Butao and Kumpakiza villages during the rainy season.


He said the proposal was accepted by the Neno District Council and construction materials started arriving at the project site after community members had contributed sand and stones. The Council, he said, recruited its own contractor without thorough consultations with the ADC and VDC and the project took off.


“However, the ADC members, who were providing oversight monitoring, observed that, out of 50 bags of cement meant for the project, only 15 were used in electing the foundation of the bridge. As a result, construction works stalled and the communities still suspect that the rest of the construction materials, particularly cement, were taken up by the contractor who just left the project at foundation stage and they can hardly locate him. They wonder that the council is not holding him accountable for the unfinished project,” says Msiska.


Apart from these projects, the other notable projects that have been unnecessarily delayed or stalled in Mwanza and Neno altogether include the Ziyaya Chidole School Project, Kunenekude Police Unit construction, the community ground construction project and Muwanga Okhota Schools Development initiative where community members proposed the construction of a modern school block; Chidokowe Primary School, a Standard 1 to 6 learning facility that has only one block; Golden Village clean water project; Chifunga Police Unit; respectively among others.


Msiska contends that challenges faced by Mwanza and Neno residents are not unique to the districts, raising concerns that failure to complete projects seems to be a nationwide malaise.


He suggests that the Malawi government should engage an expert team to conduct an assessment study on all uncompleted projects in Malawi and make recommendations on how government can recover costs from such projects. He adds that legislation and the funding mechanism systems of the Constituency Development Fund and the Local Development Fund should also be reviewed.


“There is also need to implement measures such as increasing access to information at district level, simplifying reports to give all residents the opportunity to offer scrutiny, promoting open bidding for contracts, using agreed monitoring tools and promoting equal presentation of local leaders at district level to bring about transparency and accountability at all levels of governance,” says Msiska.


He adds that there is need to build the capacity of village monitoring committees in project monitoring, budget tracking and governance for them to be able to demand satisfaction of development projects within their localities, as well as reviewing the Local Government Act and Decentralization Policy.







Recurrent business

Mwanza District Commissioner, Gift Lapozo, says, under normal circumstances, councils act as engines of development by creating policies, mobilizing technical and financial resources in their bid to ensure that resources are well-utilised in advancing the development agenda.


Lapozo also says, under normal circumstances, public projects are not supposed to hit a snag on the basis that Members of Parliament (MP), or councilors, who initiated them have been voted out of office.


“Government is a growing concern: It doesn’t change; if anything, it’s the faces that change. So, if the government is a growing concern, why do development projects initiated by MPs stall once they are voted out of office and yet we say development derives from the people? It’s like kugwiritsa anthu ntchito yopanda malipiro (letting people toil in vain),” laments Lapozo.


Lapozo expresses concern that some stalled projects started as way back as 2010.


“These development projects just need funding. Piecemeal development approaches are catalysts for poverty, illiteracy. Let’s find out and discuss the way forward so that the newly-elected ward councilors can work smoothly. It’s time to share, to rectify problems and complete all stalled projects,” Lapozo says.

MESSAGE OF GOODWILL TO MALAWIANS ABROAD BY HIS EXCELLENCY PROF. ARTHUR PETER MUTHARIKA, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI, ON THE OCCASION COMMEMORATING GOLDEN ANNIVERSARY OF MALAWI’S INDEPENDENCE

MESSAGE OF GOODWILL TO MALAWIANS ABROAD BY HIS EXCELLENCY PROF. ARTHUR PETER MUTHARIKA,
PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MALAWI, ON THE OCCASION COMMEMORATING GOLDEN ANNIVERSARY OF MALAWI’S INDEPENDENCE









Ministry of Foreign Affairs and

International Cooperation

Lilongwe 3

6th July, 2014



My fellow Malawians wherever you are
Today is a memorable day in the history of our country. It is a milestone that we have clocked fifty (50) years since the attainment of our independence, and for this reason, I congratulate you all.



The past fifty (50) years have been a long winding road, teaching us great lessons and at the same time, making great strides and achievements. At the time of our independence in 1964, Late Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda, Father and Founder of the nation, laid the solid foundation that this country rests upon today and instilled in us the spirit of hard work and unity. We immediately embraced one-party rule, and as we continued with our political journey, in 1993 under Dr. Bakili Muluzi, we ushered in a new political dispensation of multi-party democracy. It gives me immense pleasure that our democracy is fast maturing, and that we are a good example to other countries in the region and beyond. In the twenty (20) years of our democracy, we have successfully conducted five (5) elections, all of which have been unanimously declared free, fair, peaceful, transparent and credible.



Along the way, between 2005 and 2009, Malawi achieved food security, thanks to sound agriculture policies of Late Prof. Bingu wa Mutharika administration. During this period, Malawi could not only feed itself, but had enough food reserves to serve other countries in the region. We also recall with pride, that it was during this same period, when Malawi witnessed the highest economic growth and stability.




Countrymen and women,
I take it as no mean achievement that in the first fifty (50) years of our independence, Malawians have had a female President, Dr. Joyce Banda. We commend the Late Prof. Bingu wa Mutharika for having taken the initiative and appointed her as the first ever female Vice President for our country. We will, therefore, go down in history as the first country in the SADC and second on the whole African continent, to have had a female president. This is ‘walking the talk’ of ensuring gender equality and women empowerment that is also one the UN Millennium Development Goals.



Above all, Ladies and Gentlemen, in the fifty years Malawians have proved themselves to the international community that we are a peace-loving, warm and friendly people, and no wonder we are referred to as the Warm Heart of Africa. We transact our political business amicably and diplomatically, and good neighbourliness is an important tenet of our foreign policy.



We have also demonstrated to the whole world that we are a peace loving nation by successfully holding in May, 2014 the Tripartite Elections, which despite logistical problems was acknowledged as free, fair, and credible.



My fellow Malawians,
Going forward, let us embark on the next fifty (50) years with renewed vigour and commitment to hard work, ethics, peace and unity for our country’s sustainable development. In Biblical terms, the number 50 symbolizes deliverance or freedom from a burden. Let us, therefore, join hands and have one common purpose of building our nation and lifting ourselves from poverty, which is by far our nation’s greatest enemy today. As a start, I have appointed a lean Cabinet that can be sustainable considering the level of our economy. My administration is also embarking on the civil and public sector reform, to ensure efficiency and effectiveness of service delivery. This, coupled with sound economic policies that we will soon be implementing, will translate into prosperity and tangible development that we all are eager to experience.



We count on your support in taking our country on a development path. I am aware that most of you have not effectively contributed to this noble agenda in the past, partly due to restrictive policies that we back home implement. I would like to assure you that my Government has created a conducive environment to enable you play your part in the socio-economic development of the country, through your remittances, investments and skills transfer. I encourage a spirit of patriotism from you our bretheren, so that as you live in the Diaspora, your home country Malawi should feature highly at the back of your mind.



Once again, congratulations, and I wish you all God’s blessings as we commemorate our Golden Independence anniversary.

A Reflection on 50 Years of Malawi's Independence

It is clear, after 50 years of independence, that the national development script was not designed to roll out like this.


In spite of the high hopes that independence would come with its array of attractive trappings, Malawi has turned out to be a begrimed landscape replete with all the miseries that come with underdevelopment.


May be the new nation of Malawi was just carried away by the notion of independence without being thoroughly prepared to embrace its ideals. Indeed, independence must have come abruptly for those who envisaged a land flowing with milk and honey at the proclamation of the word ‘Independence’.





The roots

Consider this: In one moment on July 5, 1964, Nyasaland struggling in the dark shadows of colonialism and, in the next moment, on July 6, 1964, it wore the cloak of a new state after the nationalists- led by Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda- flipped a switch in the dark and Malawi was free.


Indications are that the nationalists might have been following a pattern that started in Ghana. After all, these were educated men and women who were well-versed with affairs on the international stage. May be some background of nationalism may help.


Nationalism, according to the book, ‘Nationalism through State-Constructed Symbols: The Case of National Anthems’, says modern views of nation and nationalism were influenced both by Liberalism and Marxism and underpinned by general ideas of social evolution and human progress,acknowledging that “The discourse of nationalism is distinctively modern”.


“It is argued to have originated in the 17th century British rebellion against monarchy, the 18th Century struggle of the New World elites against Iberian colonialism, the French Revolution of 1789 and the German reaction to that revolution.


“For some commentators, such nineteenth century German writers as Fichte, Herder and Schleiermacher are the true nationalists; for some others, France is the birthplace of nationalism and Rousseau is its first theorist; for, yet others, nationalism is a universal phenomenon to be found in every settled community,” reads part of the book, which was written by authors from University of Western Macedonia, Florina, Greece.


So, it’s either that the nationalists in Malawi picked a leaf from Germany or France, or maybe they just awakened the dormant nationalistic spirit in the settled community that was the people of Nyasaland. And with it (independence), Malawi adopted those great symbols of a nation state: The national Anthem, local currency, national flag, coat of arms, territorial boundaries, among others.


Somehow, these symbols of a nation state had to mean something. The national anthem had to mean something. The national currency had to mean something. The coat of arms had to mean something. The territorial boundaries had to mean something: Something in the shape of a present we are all proud of.


Malawi was born.




Ragged path

Unfortunately, Malawi’s 50 years of independence have not been all they were meant to be. Nobody fully understands how the song of hope and freedom has faded under the blazing sun of the reality.


Consequently, instead of extending our ideals of freedom, complete with feeder roads and more infrastructures, we have only succeeded in reinforcing the contrast between pre-independence futuristic reverie and harsh reality. Slow progress in all aspects of life- economy, water development, sanitation, agriculture, to name a few- strains the limits of our hope and anxiety.


In fact, it is like Malawi discarded Britain and embraced a new master: The Breton woods institutions. When Malawi discards International Monetary Fund prescriptions, for instance, she creates a gnawing uncertainty about her economic future. A good case in point is when former president, the late Bingu wa Mutharika, refused to devalue the Kwacha.


So, in a way, Malawi has had a chastening encounter with post-independence reality, prompting the need for an unabashed national reevaluation of our nationhood and what it means to be independent. We have to, tightly, weave together a future we shall all be proud of.


What is freedom when Malawi has no international bus depot? If I may ask. What is the meaning of freedom when the country still uses the slow-pace train? What about corruption that has become endemic in the private and public sector?


Former president Joyce Banda, speaking at the Malawi National Consultative Conference on ‘Malawi at 50 and Prospects for The Next 50 Years’ on March 5 this year, summed the extent of our misery when she said:


“Since independence, Malawi has implemented different strategies including the Development Policies (Devpols), Malawi Poverty Reduction Strategies Paper (MPRSP), Vision 2020, Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS), and the current Malawi Growth and Development Strategy II (MGDS II), and re-emphasized by the Economic Recovery Plan (ERP).



“We have had mixed experiences in the implementation and outcome of these development plans. Some have succeeded while others have failed. For example, the per capita income stood at $381 in 2012 which is still far from the $1000 envisioned for the year 2020.



“At this point in time, with only six years to go before Vision 2020 expires, the situation is not much different from the one just described. About 50.7% of Malawians are still poor with little or no access to basic needs such as food, medical care, education, housing, water and sanitation.”


The President was spot on. With the Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS) II expiring in 2016 and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) ending in 2015, we cannot say Malawi has attained her goals.


Banda rightly concluded: “I feel it is time we revisited our way of doing things, examine how we have implemented our development strategies; where we have gone wrong and think through what we can do as a nation to go forward with much focus on the improvement of people’s lives.”





Hero worship

One of the reasons for our failure to make the best out of independence could be hero-worship. A subtle examination of the praise heaped on our leaders since independence leads to discovery of an aggravated inferiority complex stereotype. That is why we worship our leaders.


The problems started soon after independence. The Cabinet Crisis of 1964 is a good case in point. The rush to succeed, it seems, transformed pre-independence nationalist buddies into post-independence enemies: more less like friends in day time, nighttime enemies.


In the end, we have few things to point at as points of our success. Instead, we have more challenges than anticipated. A battered economy. Depleted drug chests. Leaking houses. Long unemployment queues: That’s all there is to Malawi’s 50 years of independence.


It is as if attaining independence in July 1964 stripped away myth-laden stereotypes about a Republic that would have its path to prosperity paved; instead, it (independence) exposed underlying complexities. That is why the nationalists’ initial aversion to colonialism did not grow into a warm regard for the post-independence period.


Trading on Malawians infatuation with thinness, corrupt and self-serving leaders have taken Malawi towards the path of self-annihilation without showing the slightest signs of shame. And, yet, the majority of the population still scrapes for the crumbs of the economic cake.


To move forward, Malawians must abandon their leader-worshipping tendencies. As British literati, Aldous Huxley (who studied English Literature at Oxford), aptly observed: “The attribution of personal characteristics to collectivities, to geographical expressions, to institutions, is a source, as we shall see, of endless confusions in political thought, of innumerable political mistakes and crimes. “


The danger with this line of thinking, warned Huxley, is that, “The personified and deified nation becomes, in the minds of the individuals, a kind of enlargement of themselves.”


But, sometimes, it is not the citizens who perpetuate this line of thinking; the leaders themselves do, mainly by pretending to speak for the nation through their utterances. In the end, naïve citizens fail to make the distinction between the leader’s own words, and the words produced by a nation through its constitutional provisions.


In which case, according to Huxley, “A nation, then, may be more than a mere abstraction, may possess some kind of real existence apart from its constituent members. But there is no reason to suppose that it is a person; indeed, there is every reason to suppose that it isn’t. Those who speak as though it were a person- and some go further than this and speak as though it were a personal god- do so because it is to their interest as egotists to make precisely this mistake. In the case of the ruling class these interests are in part material.”


Indeed, French jurist, Leon Duguit, suggested that the personification of the nation as a sacred being, different from and superior to its constituent members was merely “A way of imposing authority by making people believe it is an authority de jure and not merely de facto”.


Again, the problem, in the words of Huxley, is that, “By habitually talking of the nation as though it were a person with thoughts, feelings and a will of its own, the rulers of a country legitimise their own powers. Personification leads easily to deification; and where the nation is deified, its government ceases to be a mere convenience, like drains or a telephone system, and, partaking in the sacredness of the entity it represents, claims to give orders by divine right and demands the unquestioning obedience due to a god.”


In conclusion, the literati suggested that challenges like these can be overcome by upholding high moral standards in politics, but warns:”Politics can become moral only on one condition: that its problems shall be spoken of and thought about exclusively in terms of concrete reality; that is to say, of persons.”



Otherwise, it will continue not to make sense that, 50 years down the line, Malawians still grasp the very same wisp of dependency-pain the nationalists felt. It has been a 50-year-old journey to nowhere. May be the fate of a nation crested by images derived from wishful thinking.

REPORT BY JUSTICE MAXON MBENDERA SC, CHAIRMAN OF THE MALAWI ELECTORAL COMMISSION DURING THE SEVENTH NATIONAL ELECTIONS CONSULTATIVE FORUM (NECOF) MEETING

REPORT BY JUSTICE MAXON MBENDERA SC, CHAIRMAN OF THE MALAWI ELECTORAL COMMISSION DURING THE SEVENTH NATIONAL ELECTIONS CONSULTATIVE FORUM (NECOF) MEETING ON 4TH JULY, 2014, HOTEL VICTORIA, BLANTYRE




Fellow Commissioners;

Honourable Leaders of Political Parties;

Your Excellencies members of the Diplomatic Corps and Representatives of all
development partners;

Chief Elections Officer, your deputies and all members of staff of the Commission
Secretariat;

Paramount Chiefs;

The Chairperson for the Centre for Multi-Party Democracy (CMD);

Senior Government Officials;

Distinguished Members from the Civil Society Organisation;

Distinguished Members of the Press;

Ladies and Gentlemen.



Good Morning,

Welcome to Hotel Victoria,



We are meeting here today for the first time after the May 2014 Tripartite Elections. And before I go further in my report I should start by apologising to you all for the change in venue of the meeting.



It was earlier arranged that this meeting would take place at Crossroads Hotel in Lilongwe. However, due to other circumstances it had to be shifted to Blantyre. So we do not take it for granted for the fact that you have made it to this meeting. Our change was at short notice and for many of you it was not an easy task to accommodate the change in your tight schedules. Some have failed to come because of this change but for the fact that you have still made it, we are grateful and salute you for that.



Ladies and gentlemen, this is the first NECOF meeting after elections, allow me to congratulate all the candidates who emerged winners in the three elections. The fact that Malawians ushered them into office symbolises the trust in them and that they can deliver. I implore them to do their best not to betray that trust. It is our prayer that God will grant them wisdom to discharge their duties honestly and efficiently.



Also allow me to thank and congratulate all stakeholders for contributing to the success of the May 2014 elections. I thank all Civil Society Organisations that provided civic and voter education. There were many but allow me to single out National Initiative for Civic Education (NICE) Trust, Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) and Public Affairs Committee (PAC), Malwi Electoral Support Network (MESN) for the tremendous role they played.



Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me also to thank all political parties and candidates in particular for contributing to the sustenance of peace and stability of the country. We have had bloodless electoral process if we compare to past elections. Malawians in general deserve my, and the Commission's, heartfelt commendation and appreciation for maintaining peace and being disciplined.



I should also thank the Development Partners for contributing to the success of the elections through financial, material and technical support to MEC and the civil society organisations accredited by the Commission.



I will be failing in my duties if I do not commend the Police and the Malawi Defence Force (MDF) for providing security and logistical support during the elections period. In particular, the MDF provided us with trucks, fixed wing aircraft and helicopters which ferried staff and materials like ballot papers.


For the Government the timely provision of funds made it possible for the Commission to deliver the elections as required by the law. We wish to commend the spirit of working together.


I should also thank staff from the MEC secretariat for working tirelessly around the clock to ensure that the elections are success despite the elongated time that it took us to finish the task.



Today, we are presenting a final report of the elections. Our last meeting at this same place was on May 9, 2014 and this was during the campaign period. Since our reports to NECOF have been thematic, I will focus on the events from the last day of our meeting to this day we are meeting. My report, therefore, will focus on:

End of campaign;

Logistics and distribution of materials for polling;

Polling result counting, transmission and determination;

Complaints handling.


And Observation



End of Campaign
The official campaign was launched during the NECOF meeting held at Hotel Victoria on March 20, 2014. Official campaign commenced on 21 March 2014 and ended at 0600 hours on 18 May 2014.



During the campaign period the Commission was also conducting meetings with traditional leaders and their subjects across the country on the need for them to attend political rallies and violence-free campaign. The Commission combined this activity with campaign monitoring. MEC commissioners criss-crossed the country and I am glad to report, and you can agree, with me that the conduct of the campaign this year has been peaceful. With the exception of a few isolated cases , we did not generally have cases of violence and intimidation as we did in previous elections.



During the campaign period the Commission did its best to level the playing field for the contestants. The Commission requested political parties to produce three minute campaign jingles and purchased airtime on radio stations where the messages were aired.



The Commission also met with the Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) board twice after noticing that there was bias towards the incumbent leadership then. Through the discussions between the Commission and the MBC board coupled with political will, the nation witnessed a new kind of MBC. The station opened up to all the contestants.



At the Commission, we know there is need to reform the law governing MBC but another big factor is political will. MBC has opened up to all parties without change or amendment of law. We need to sustain the current scenario so that MBC continues to transform towards a true public broadcaster every one of us wants it to be.



I should thank all political leaders that participated in the presidential debates. The debates were a level platform for all candidates to sell themselves to the public. They also offered an opportunity for the electorate to know and compare the views of various candidates on topical issues. This contributed to building an informed citizenry. May, I, therefore, thank all the organisations that were involved in organising the debates led by MISA Malawi. In particular I should thank OSISA for providing funding and also National Democratic institute for technical support.



One challenge during campaign period was abuse of state resources. Presidential campaign rallies could not be distinguished from presidential functions. There should be legal reforms that will check abuses of state resources during campaign. Having a cabinet up to very close end of the campaign period provided a room for the executive to use state resources for campaign. May be there should be a law dissolving the cabinet before campaign period starts and that the incumbent should not hold development rallies after the launch of the campaign period.




Polling and vote counting
The Commission started distributing non-sensitive materials which included ballot booths and generators to the councils on May 5, 2014. Ballot papers were distributed to councils on 16 May 2014 from Kamuzu International Airport.


The Commission tried all its best but challenges were faced on the polling day that some centres either opened late or did not open at all because materials were not delivered in times. The Commission needed 1900 vehicles but was given 1,345 vehicles. Because of this some 43 out of the 4445 centres voted on 21st and 22nd May 2014 in Blantyre, Dedza and Lilongwe districts. In some of these centres polling was disturbed while in progress. The Commission had to print ballot papers to enable voters in these centres exercise their right.


I should also report that when we were deploying our staff for polling, some faced hostility and harassment especially in Lilongwe to an extent that the District Commissioner and the Chief Executive Officer resigned and a laptop was lost. The disturbances that occurred on May 20 also led to loss of property like some classrooms, election materials and tents were burnt.


To ensure that no bonafide registered voter was denied the right to vote, the Commission made available at every centre the Part As to help in identifying eligible voters. These were used as a back up just in case the name of a registered voter was missing in the voters roll.


Counting started with Local Government, then Parliamentary and finally Presidential elections. Counting was done per stream and then the results were aggregated for the polling station. In most polling stations, signed results sheets were given to monitors and another pasted at the centre.


There were some challenges in some centres that they did not have the results sheets and other materials. This was a distribution problem at the council level. However, where such problems were experienced the Commission immediately moved in to supply the materials. This was the same for ballot boxes where shortage was experienced.



Result transmission and management
The Commission with support from Development Partners contracted Globe Computers to provide a Result Management System. The system really worked on the day but challenges arose when presiding officers started bringing results with what the machine took as anomalies. The system was allowed to accept up to 800 voters per stream. We had some challenges that some presiding officers ignored the rule of 800 per stream and in some centres streams were combined and the voter population went beyond that and automatically the system could not allow for those results. The system could also not accept results with arithmetical errors.


The unbalanced figures gave a challenge for most Constituency Retuning Officers (CROs) to transmit their results to the National Tally Centre using the Results Management System. The Commission decided that all CROs should bring the results in person to the National Tally Centre in Blantyre for capturing into the system.


There were speculations that the system had been hacked and also that it had crashed. This was not so it is the factors that I have given that conspired to create the scenario we had.



At the national tally centre once the results were captured into the system they were shared with political parties for them to verify with their monitors.




Results Determination
The Commission was compelled at first to move the court to allow for recounting of the votes so that the results would be not doubted by everyone. This was after noticing anomalies that needed explanations in some 61 centres which were quarantined and also in others where the voter population in a constituency was close to the voter population for the district itself. The Commission investigated and re-examined the figures and it was found to be explainable using the polling centre result sheet. These results were corrected and formed part of the national vote count that was announced.


The Presidential results were announced on 30th May 2014 with the Parliamentary and Local Government Elections following on 2nd June, 2014.


The Commission still remembers the fears that were expressed by many stakeholders that tripartite elections were complex and many people would be confused resulting in many null and void votes. However, as you noted from the figures that there has been an improvement. The percentage of null and void votes has gone down from 2.54 in 2009 to 1.09 percent this year. This, as stakeholders we can all pat ourselves on the back.




Complaints Handling
The Commission established a complaints unit with funding from the UNDP managed basket fund for prompt legal advice and opinion to the Commission on all matters that required such a service.

Three local lawyers but headed by an international lawyer were recruited. During the last NECOF meeting details including phone numbers and email address were given on how to contact the unit. A press release was also put up in the media.


To date the unit has handled 360 complaints on various categories like campaign related, counting, arithmetical reconciliations, candidate bribing, interrupted polling, etc which were attended to.


From these 360 cases we only have 18 petitions in the court.



International and Local Observers
The Commission relaxed all rules to enable more eligible people to observe the elections. The Commission recruited four temporary staff to process accreditation IDs for observers and also engaged former Commissioner, Ambassador Ron Mkomba, as Commissioner at large to be the liaison point with observer missions.



A total of 1226 accreditations were made for media, local and international observers. Some observers have shared their reports with us, while others have not. If there is any organisation here that observed the elections, get the message that we need your report. Your observations and recommendations will help us improve for future elections.



Funding for Elections
Government and Development Partners agreed for an at least 60 per cent and up to 40 percent contribution respectively towards the budget for the elections. It is an open secret that the elections were conducted during a lean period where development partners had withdrawn their direct budgetary support to the country.



However, I should thank staff at the Treasury for prioritising elections budget. We appreciate the challenges the Treasury faced. But they tried within the limited resource envelope to support MEC.



I should thank once again the development partners because they did not stop their direct budgetary support to elections despite suspending direct support to the government.


There are several issues that have been raised regarding funding for the Commission, like funding for elections should look at elections as a cycle and not as an event. In some cases since the funding has to be accommodated in one fiscal year budget, it becomes a burden on the national budget. If the budget could be spread over several years, the burden cannot be felt.




Need for Law Reforms

These elections despite being unprecedented on the fact that they were tripartite, they also came with unique challenges.


For example, we had two resignations of running mates. Apparently, the law is silent on what happens when a running mate resigns or even dies before elections. This and many other sections of the law will require proper attention so that the lacuna is filled. For this to succeed, it is recommended that the reforms take place between now and May 2015 and not later than that.



During nomination period, we also had court cases regarding the candidatures of those individuals who were perceived to be public servants. There are some inconsistencies in the rulings by the High Court. While one ruling said university employees are public servants, other rulings said they are not. As a Commission, we need proper direction for future elections.



We already appealed to the Supreme Court of Appeal before elections but we stalled the process so that we could concentrate on managing elections. Now that elections are over, the Commission has instructed Counsel to retrieve the cases in the Supreme Court of Appeal.





By-Elections

There are two constituencies: Thyolo East and Blantyre North and five wards: Lisanjala in Machinga, Kandeu in Ntcheu, Lifupa in Kasungu, Mbalachanda in Mzimba and Zgeba in Karonga where elections have to be conducted. I should assure everyone that it is in the interest of the Commission to hold the by-elections as soon as practicable so that these areas also have representation in the appropriate spheres of government. We will announce the dates for the by-elections towards the end of this month once the calendar and budget have been finalised.




However, I should share some points that the Commission will open the registration centres so that those only who will have attained the age of 18 on the polling day to be announced should go and register. This means those who were not 18 years old on 20th May 2014. Those who already registered will be requested to go and verify their details in the voters’ register. No transfers will be entertained.



Also those wishing to contest will be required to collect nomination papers and fill them appropriately. Candidates of the postponed elections need not to go through this process. These ones will just need to affirm to us in writing on their intention to contest and if the other details remain unchanged.



Conclusion

Despite the challenges that we faced, the Commission identified solutions and concludes that the May 20 tripartite elections were conducted in a free and fair environment where all registered voters were given an opportunity to exercise their right. This view has been supported by various observer reports, the latest one being the final report by the European Union long term observer mission.



There were, of course, challenges on the polling day but we should look beyond May 20, 2014. The Commission did put in place measures to afford those who failed to vote on May 20 an opportunity the following two days to cast their ballots. In some centres voting was disrupted and the Commission had to re-print ballot papers within the country to enable people in the centres to vote.



With these few remarks, I should thank you all for your attention.

God bless you

Thank you very much

The Challenge With the State Presidency

Nothing prepares the victorious presidential candidate for the pressure that builds after the euphoria of electoral victory dies down. Numerous examples in Malawi’s 20 year democratic span bear witness of that.


May be the best way to gauge the abruptness of this change is to look at the tramp cards of former governing political parties on their way to Sanjika Palace in Blantyre and The New State House in Lilongwe.


The United Democratic Front (UDF), for a start, took the nation by storm when it promised the blue moon of Free Primary Education (FPE) in public primary schools.


But no sooner had the euphoria of victory in the June 1994 presidential election descended into reality than former president Bakili Muluzi realised that improving access to the national cake of education entailed more than firing the guards-of-fees who were manning the gates of public primary schools.


As it were, the gates to primary schools were, really, opened to the masses, culminating in the new wave of learners overwhelming the system when enrollment levels rose by over 50 percent, from 1.9 million pupils in 1993/4 academic year to about 3.2 million pupils in 1994/5 academic year.


It did not come as a surprise, therefore, when the ‘Policy and Investment Framework for Education in Malawi’ report later revealed that “The primary education system is beset with serious problems in areas of access, equity, quality and internal efficiency”.


Its damning conclusion was that the government would not be able to meet all the costs required to construct 38,000 classrooms to meet the needs of an expanded primary education.


And, yet, FPE is the horse Muluzi rode on on his way to The State House! Muluzi’s other trump card, Respect for Human Rights, worked so well for a while, too. Only to be thrown to the dogs at the twilight of his administration as The Young Democrats became vicious dogs set loose on opponents of the Open Term bid that later became Muluzi’s Third Term bid to no avail.
Dreams can easily wear off in politics!


Up pops Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) president, the late Bingu wa Mutharika. Although Mutharika stood on the UDF presidential ticket in the 2004 general elections, only to do what former Speaker of Parliament Sam Mpasu describes as “getting into government in order to form a political party; instead of forming a political party in order to get into the government” when he dumped it on February 5, 2004, he came up with his own tramp card: Revolutionising Muluzi’s Starter-Pack programme into the Farm Input Subsidy Programme (Fisp).


Mutharika, who had been touted as an economist of sorts by Muluzi, also promised grow the Malawi economy- something he did to perfection during his first five-year term when Malawi’s economy was reported to be slower only to the oil-rich Qatar in the world.


But his fortunes plummeted during his second term, a stint characterised by thawed relations with development partners, and an economy that was oscillating between the graveyard and the death bed. Under such circumstances, there is no better choice. Depleted foreign exchange reserves also meant fuel became as scarce as hope. Just in the nick of time, Malawi’s economy became an endangered species.


So, a man who rode on the horse of economic growth on his way to The State House found that the dream could no longer hold. As they say, the rest is history.


Then came Malawi’s most immediate former president, Joyce Banda. While Bingu’s horse had two names: Economic Growth and Food Security- nicknamed Fisp- and Muluzi’s horse also had two names, namely, FPE and Respect for Human Rights, Banda came with none.


No. Not none. She rode on the Horse of Death, becoming Malawi forth post-independence president after the death of Bingu on April 5, 2012. Not to be outdone, she introduced her horse; a horse of two names, too: Mudzi Transformation Trust and One Cow per Family initiative.


But, like those before her, she got carried away with excitement and succumbed to the ballot paper now turned political bullet on May 20 this year. She had become so big-headed that attending presidential aspirants’ debates was deemed a time-wasting for her.


And, yet, the houses she constructed and the cows she distributed to society’s less privileged members were her own Achilles heel as the rest of the nation watched in awe. It epitomised systematic failure at its best and, with it, Banda failed the Tripartite Elections Ballot Box test.


As consumer rights activist John Kapito observed in February this year, “President Joyce Banda has lost tough with herself, and people on the ground”.


Which brings us to the question: What is wrong with Malawi’s presidents? Is something wrong with their trump cards, or is there something wrong with their personality?




Lessons from history
However, while the nation eagerly looks forward to how Mutharika’s reign will pan out, there are lessons she can be drawn from history and the country’s past leaders.


One of the most valuable pieces of advice is that given by Greek biographer and philosopher Plutarch who, through his book ‘Parallel Lives’ suggests that the best way to gauge one’s success in life is to equate one’s leadership style to that of past leaders, especially those from other countries.


For instance, Plutarch paired Roman heroes with Greek statesmen and, often, he paired leaders who run parallel in both merits and the odds they faced in a bid to gauge how human beings react to different leadership challenges. In this case, Mutharika may pair himself with former president Muluzi, analyse where Muluzi failed, and see how he could have done better.
He can do so with Malawi’s other leaders, too, all the time remembering that he is his own person, with his own nature, either wild or tamed.


However, his greatest enemy should be recycled politicians. In the past, these politicians have hindered presidents such as Muluzi, Mutharika and Banda from sensing the signs of a malfunctioning economy, tumbling education system, a society ripped apart by HIV and Aids, and a host of other ills- most of which too long term to be solved within a five-year, or 10-year political span.


Otherwise, the recycled politicians will lie in waiting for him, their open arms turning into a mantrap as Mutharika’s political fortunes decline. When they run their full cycle with the new leader, they will drift either northward, southward, eastward or westward, wherever they see the promising eggs of political opportunities.


Take, for instance, the self-proclaimed Chenji Golo Uladi Mussa. He has been part of the UDF administration, DPP administration, and now PP administration. But, make no mistake about it, his constituents in Salima love him.


The good thing about Uladi is that he is an honest politician who has the audacity to call himself Chenji Golo (shift the goal posts). But the others, the more dangerous ones, lurk in the background, ready to pounce on the unsuspecting Mutharika.
Sometimes, the president knows what is going on, but sheer arrogance prompts them to welcome the roving politicians.


Then, there are businesspersons who care more about their businesses’ interests than the president’s reputation. But, while the political opportunist feels childlike excitement of crossing a political divide when they hop from one ruling-now-turned-opposition party to a new ruling party, the businesspersons fall with the fallen leader.


These are some of the little infidelities that threaten to riddle Mutharika’s administration. As time flies, Mutharika will find that people like Kapito- who has already asked the new president to consider abandoning Fisp for the many implementation challenges it faces- will be pulling in one direction, while others will be pulling in another direction, calling for the abolishment of quota system, or management of the Kwacha, among other things.


At the same time, Mutharika should realise that the President’s universe is a network of outer and internal constraints, and that only a sense of relaxed plenitude and the ancient force of belief that helped him excel in his teaching job in countries far and wide will help him escape the hurt of political stones thrown his way.

Let us just hope that Malawi’s politicians are not a root of the same tree because, as the
Chinese say, “The falling leaf returns to the roots of the tree"; meaning that, the beginning is always better than the end, and that it is good to die the time one is born.


This time around, let this saying prove inapplicable in Malawi for the first time since 1994!

After a Stint at State House

...Theatricals of presidents when their political power blacks out

There must be something terribly wrong with Malawian politicians for them to persistently take turns in acting outside the confines of the book of conventional politics.


Save for Malawi’s founding president, Ngwazi Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda- who conceded defeat to United Democratic Front (UDF)’s presidential candidate, Bakili Muluzi, even before the Malawi Electoral Commission (Mec) made the official announcement in June 1994- his successors have found it difficult to come to grips with reality, even when their opaque political curtain closes.
A good case in point is that of Muluzi and the most-immediate past president, Joyce Banda. We are not sure if former president, the late Bingu wa Mutharika- who died mid-way through his second five-year term in office on April 5, 2012- would have departed from the ‘unconventional’ script of Malawi politics had he lived beyond his constitutional terms of office.


Otherwise, the trend has been that, once elevated to the highest position in the land, the Head of State and Government ‘climbs out’ of themselves by shedding off the natural human being in them and becoming automated beings remote-controlled by the National Intelligence Bureau (NIB).


In their quest to get acquainted with their new elevated status, they associate themselves with the Who is Whos of this world, and lose touch with voters as they smash into the sky through globe-trotting.


Unsurprisingly, it always comes as a shock to them when, instead of climbing higher through the ballot paper and smashing more skies, they tumble to the ground.


Of course, that does not mean we have had a run of the worst leaders in the world. The truth is that we have had a conundrum of leaders who have been wonderful in their own ways. Some of them, like Muluzi, have been individuals of splendid wit. Some of them, like Joyce Banda, have been individuals of polished taste, courting them the comradeship of the international community. Even Bingu had his own hard sense of humour, too.


Just that, somehow, they all seemed to have a strange disdain for history’s lessons, and ended up repeating the mistakes committed by their predecessors.


Why, for example, did Muluzi depart from his splendid wit and wet sense of humour to become the go-getter who saw no sense in sticking to tenets of the Republican Constitution and fight, the high way, for an Open Term of Office and Third Term? How did he lose the courtship of development partners who came in droves to his dinner table after showing the Malawi Congress Party the Exit Door in 1994?


Why, it may be asked, did Bingu lose the plot to become the donor-chasing president Malawians ended up loathing? How did he lose control of the buttons that controlled the national economy and made it vibrant? Is it that simple to lose knowledge of economics obtained across the seas?


Why, we still wonder, did Joyce Banda abandon her courtesy and unconstitutionally nullify the May tripartite elections when her power spilled out of control? How did she become the hot-headed, over-confident leader we saw between 2013 and 2014? After starting so well by, among other things, stabilizing fuel supplies and mending relations with the United Kingdom, why did the ship run out of control?



Tried, tested hands
The truth is that these are not questions without answers.


The first answer is that, somehow, the leaders surround themselves with characters that are, for unexplained reasons, made to think in the likeness of the leader. And their thinking is mostly lopsided. If not people who think like them, the leaders surround themselves with people they like.


The result is that, this flattering world of politicians and yes bwanas join the conspiracy to shield and protect the country’s leadership from the truth. In almost all such cases, the aim of creating this impenetrable gate of protection is not to serve the public interest but, rather, their interest, often built upon the theory of political and business survival.


So it hits one as nothing strange that, in the end, a cordon of appeasers and boot-lickers vie with each other to keep the common knowledge of what is, really, the truth on the ground and in the public domain, from permeating the inner sanctum.


It is as if the political bootlickers are secretly conscious of the intrinsic inferiority of the national and political leadership and want to take advantage of that. That is why they make sure that the leader’s cooked-up popularity is continually propped up, and his chances of winning the popular vote exaggerated by those who benefit from the status quo. The aim is to create a situation where the leader will feel a sure-enough place in their polarised political sphere.


Finally, when the leader is booted out of power by the supposed simpletons, the voters, the discarded leader discovers that they were living in an artificial world. When they seek their advisors, they find that they have joined the new party in power. They also discover, to their disdain, that it is almost impossible to find any record that resembles the real situation on the ground and citizens’ real opinion of the leaders during their span in office.


Raw deal, the leader cries wolf at last. Yet the yes bwanas are not wholly to blame. The leaders themselves are to blame for their expertise in ‘discovering’ people who were so willing to get consecrated to one great purpose: Guarding the leader from the vicissitudes of the truth and ordinary life.


So, when the yes bwanas specialise in telling their boss what they (bosses) really want to hear, they are just fulfilling the tenets of their job. Who wouldn’t? These are political wannabes with the patience of a cat. They allow the leader to crank towards the truth, but seldom do they allow the leader to get to the real truth. The leaders themselves also forget that, when you are a leader, you don’t need to fear disappointing anyone.


Do you, for example, expect Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) spokesperson Nicholas Dausi (he hasn’t announced his resignation from the position of DPP spokesperson, by the way) to tell President Peter Mutharika the real truth in his capacity as Spy-in-Chief at NIB?


But, every so often, these are the important things national leaders forget when they allow themselves to ‘get out of themselves’ by stopping being the human beings we voted for due to their new-found ability of making things happen at the stroke of a pen.


It is like a foolish individual who, propped up by his own oversized pillow, believes that they have a gigantic stature beyond nature. But, if the truth be told, it is just the pillow exaggerating things.


But, may be the leaders are not to blame for exaggerating their importance. New York City (US)-born psychologist, William James, aptly observed in his essay, ‘On a Certain Blindness in Human Beings’ thus: “Now the blindness in human beings is the blindness with which we all are afflicted in regard to the feelings of creatures and people different from ourselves.


“…Each is bound to feel intensely the importance of his own duties and the significance of the situations that call these forth. But this feeling is in each of us a vital secret, for sympathy with which we vainly look to others...Hence the stupidity and injustice of our opinions, so far as they deal with the significance of alien lives. Hence the falsity of our judgements, so far as they presume to decide in an absolute way on the value of other persons’ conditions or ideals”.


A number of civil society leaders locally have warned against the tendency to treat our leaders as half-gods. For instance, Civic and Political Platform chairperson, Moses Mkandawire, told The Sunday Times in April that “our tendency to worship leaders is to blame for their arrogance. We must abandon the practice of yes bwana, yes bwana (Ture boss, true boss!)”.


Of course, former English Parliamentarian Thomas Babington Macaulay, in his analysis of political philosopher, Italian historian Niccolo Machiavelli’s thinking in the essay ‘Machiavelli’ observes that,” Every age and every nation has certain characteristic vices, which prevail almost universally, which scarcely any person scruples to avow, and which even rigid moralists but faintly censure.”


But Macaulay further observed that, “Succeeding generations change the fashion of their morals, with the fashion of their hats and their coaches; take some other kind of wickedness under their patronage, and wonder at the depravity of their ancestors. Nor is this all. Posterity, that high court of appeal which is never tired of eulogizing its own justice and discernment, acts on such occasions like a Roman dictator after a general mutiny.”


What this means is that we must change our fashion if we discover that some things have not worked in every generation. It, therefore, comes as a surprise that Malawian leaders don’t seem to learn from past mistakes and change. Instead, while immersed in their numerous fits of excitement, rages, and fits, they take the lonely journey into political oblivion.


Only to discover that, the yes bwanas’ humours were only giddy, but never long lasting!

The Downside of Executive Powers

...as epitomised by President Peter Mutharika


The ascent to the highest position in the land has traditionally been perceived as the discovery of easy privileges, like growing wings and flying away from a hungry lion in a mid-night dream.



But, as President Peter Mutharika’s dithering in appointing members of his 20-member cabinet can attest, the powers of a sitting president are huge, but lack a sense of purpose when accompanied by long periods of indecision. In other words, it is apparent that, while the decision to appoint a 20-member cabinet originated from campaign promises that seemed easy to implement at the time, he has been reminded, once again, that talk is cheap and that a lot goes into the President’s head before reality types itself into a presidential decree.


So, against all hopes that the President’s first 100 days in office would remain unsullied by the excessive demands of stakeholders, he found analysts pressing him to announce members of his cabinet on one hand, while the likes of Malawi Congress Party (MCP) president Lazarus Chakwera were imploring him to desist from making appointments in bits and pieces.


Others, not to be outdone, joined the fray with their assortment of impossible demands. MCP Member of Parliament for Dedza North West, Alekeni Menyani, rekindled a debate that has been going on with muted voices: Malawi should experiment with the federal government system.


Harry Mkandawire, the outspoken People’s Party legislator, then raised another issue: Nepotism in cabinet appointments. He faulted the President for filling his cabinet plate with faces from one region.


But it was not an all-men affair as women, feeling hard done by in some respects, came calling for pragmatic action. NGO Gender Coordination Network’s national coordinator, Emma Kaliya felt that women were not well-represented in cabinet, with only three- Gender Minister Patricia Kaliati, Health and Population Minister Jean Kalilani, and Youth Minister Grace Chiuma- making it into the 20-member cabinet. Kaliya, like many gender activists, feel that gone is the time when women were believed to be masters at living what those in the West call ‘the easy lot of feminine existence’. This easy lot of feminine existence propagates the idea that women should remain women-like by being kept away from the ‘dangers’ of politics and public life.


In all fairness, Kaliya had a point. The life of a modern woman no longer resembles the tableau of simple domestic bliss we wrongly assume they inhabit. Women have played a critical role in Malawi politics since time immemorial, and even supported nationalists who were fighting for more freedoms. A good case in point is Ida, John Chilembwe’s wife. She supported Chilembwe even when she knew that the feeder-road that her husband took ended only in the highway of death.


To cut a long story short, women should be given a more prominent role in politics and cabinet because, even when they are denied the opportunity to take part in the development of their country, it is a fact that women never will escape the impact of political decisions and government policies on their lives.


But Kaliya was not the only woman who contributed to national discourse in the week gone by. Veteran writer, constitutional lawyer and human rights activist Vera Chirwa added her voice to calls for collaborative efforts in advancing the national agenda. She asked the President to engage those who contested for the presidency.


That was not all she had on her plate, though. She also called for the deregistration of the political bandwagon of briefcase parties, suggesting that, “We might do well with two or at least four parties, and the rest be disbanded”.
But the question is: Do the male leaders listen?


Experience has shown that, in most cases, suggestions from respected women such as Kaliya and Chirwa are not taken into consideration. In fact, we have all signs that their sentiments merely emerge as a tool for activism in the political jungles, rarely succeeding as a weapon against the absurdities of political justice. Take, for instance, the issue of the 50:50 campaign. While the campaign sounded good to the ear, it only became one of those fluffy concoctions of adorably sweet sensibilities because Malawians elected fewer female members of Parliament than in 2009.


Needless to say the campaign ended up as a disaster of double proportions, hammered shapeless by the chauvinistic ballot.
All these developments, occurring in the President’s first 30 days in office after being sworn in on May 30, discard the notion that the ascendancy to power by an aspiring presidential candidate translates into getting things tickled over one’s back, or like growing wings and flying away from a hungry lion in a mid-night dream. It is more serious than that.


From the look of things, this reality seems to have hit the President. What with political parties, human rights activists and other interest groups calling for the President’s attention to this or that, piling more work in the President’s in-tray?



Old versus new
In the end, Mutharika seems to have resolved that it is better to be a man of tradition by not entirely discarding what his predecessors introduced than being a new player in a game whose boundaries are properly defined. That is why recycled faces- meaning, those who served in his brother, the late Bingu,’s cabinet and other administrations- have made it into his cabinet. Finance and Economic Planning and Development Minister Goodall Edward Gondwe served in Bingu’s cabinet; and, so, did Gender, Children, Disability and Social Welfare Minister Patricia Anne Kaliati, Foreign Affairs and International Corporation Minister George Thapatula Chaponda, Labour Minister Henry Amon Robin Mussa, Health Minister Jean Alfazema Nachika Kalilani, and Minister of Information, Tourism and Civic Education Kondwani Nankhumwa (who deputized Peter as Foreign Affairs and International Corporation Minister during Bingu’s tenure), Natural Resources, Energy and Mining Minister Atupele Muluzi (who served in former president Joyce Banda’s cabinet as Economic Planning and Development Minister), among others.


Unfortunately, by practicing ‘Project Continuation’ type of politics, Mutharika has baffled the nation with his characteristic and perfectly aimed irony, throwing new faces (Francis Kasaila, , Samuel Tembenu, Bright Msaka, Allan Chiyembekeza, Emmanuel Fabiano, Vincent Ghambi, Joseph Mwanamvekha, Jappie Mhango, Grace Chiuma, Paul Chibingu) into the mix while propagating the congenital practice of maintaining the proverbial old broom in the house.


This could, yet again, prove to be the most visible indicator of our presidents’ comic sense.


That pre-election pledges are better made than done is also clear when we consider the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)’s campaign gimmick of subsidizing iron sheets and cement. Just the other day, Vice-President Chilima ‘clarified’ that only the ‘poorer’ will benefit from the same.


Surprisingly, some Malawians were surprised by the turn of events. But who doesn’t know that politicians are jokers who play around with people’s lives. When we accept gibberish from politicians, we simply accept a joker’s invitation to go out for dinner. Chances are that the joker will stick you with the bill and it will be too late for you to refuse to become their victim.


Moral of the story: When we willingly accept to become pawns in a political game, we accept that someone else has begun a game they expect to win at our expense!



Living for ourselves
And there is nothing wrong when politicians do this. They have learned life’s big lesson that, sometimes, it is good to put our interests first. We only invite trouble when we always put the interest of others first, according to renowned author Regina Barreca.


“The trouble,” said Barreca, “(is that) most of us have been brought up to be so concerned with putting the welfare of others before our own that we can’t let ourselves triumph with a great comeback.”


But this does not give the President an excuse either. There were delays in appointing his full cabinet. And, in this respect, we can say his first task (of appointing members of the 20 member cabinet), laboured over when the DPP was preparing its manifesto which was launched full of the high hopes to occupy the highest position in the land, foundered on the first 30-day voyage due to indecision.


That is not to fault Mutharika, however. A hastily written cabinet list, sent away to the spokesperson for the Office of the President and Cabinet Arthur Chipenda for announcement with no thought beyond the plaudits of The-President-is-so-fast it might have brought, would not have sailed with a fair wind straight into public favour.


Instead of coming home heavily laden with an unexpected cargo of positive feedback, it would have been scrutinised and faulted by self-appointed experts, and the wreck might have continued to float long afterward on the liquid papers of history. It would have been the smoke used by opponents to hide their own follies and light their political fires on their way to State House one day.


After all, it takes very little political fire to make a great deal of smoke nowadays!
All these realities must be hitting the President now. And he might already have discovered that the state presidency is not the fortune of tax-free privileges he gratefully received when he was sworn in and inaugurated after the May 20 Tripartite Elections. It is not even half so large as comfy as the world reported it to be.

Remembering the Unsung Hero, Aubrey Kalitera: Victim of Malawi's Second Nature

His stature did not match the nature of a man born as an elevated genius. In fact, his house - purposely situated far away from the glamorous life of Blantyre Central Business District in Manyowe - did not project the scene of an elevated genius when compared to the grandeur of great personalities in other countries.

And yet Aubrey Kalitera, he whose brain churned out more than 20 books - some of which are part of the country’s school curricula - was a great man.


We can as well say Kalitera is the answer writer Judith Sargent Murray (1751-1820) sought - but failed to get - during her life-time, when she queried: “Is it upon mature consideration we adopt the idea that nature is thus partial in her distributions? Is it a fact that she (nature) has yielded to one-half of the human species so unquestionable a mental superiority?”


The answer, gauging by the creativity levels in Kalitera’s ‘Why?’ series or his film To Ndirande Mountain with Love, is an irrevocable ‘Yes’.


Of course, as Murray observed, “The province of imagination hath long since been surrendered up to us, and we have been crowned undoubted sovereigns of the regions of fancy”. But the truth is that Kalitera was a man out of the ordinary.


Born on February 8, 1948 in Maselema Village in the area of Traditional Authority Mlumbe, Zomba, Kalitera was unfortunately afflicted by the curse of being an artist in Malawi - rich minds, empty pockets.


Like many creative writers and artists before him, Kalitera bore the blunt of Malawians’ blatant disdain for anything that has a semblance of literature. As renowned author and historian Desmond Dudwa Phiri likes to say, Malawians are blind to any letters typed in a book.


Phiri’s unflattering observation, to the effect that “If you want to hide something from a Malawian, put it in a book”, has been ‘approved’ by the nation through its unwillingness to promote local writers and artists by buying their works.


Take, for instance, Kalitera himself. The only time government supported his works was when it - through the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology - included his book ‘N’chiyani Mwana Wanga’ on the list of recommended Chichewa Literature books for Malawi School Certificate of Education candidates.


Otherwise, the multi-talented author suffered under the barbarous ‘phobia’ towards any artistic work Malawian. This strange behaviour has the inevitable effect of persuading authors and artists that, somehow, they are not good enough.
But that is not the problem.


The problem is that, after making authors and artists buy the idea that they are not good enough, Malawians - including government officials and private sector players - will use the authors and artists accordingly, paying them peanuts for work that costs a leg until they are turned into nobodies.


As proof of it, Malawians spend the whole night at the forsaken artist’s place when they finally give up.


You should have been there to see this happen! On Tuesday, soon after his untimely death on Monday, his Manyowe home was not as deserted as buyers of ‘Why Father Why?’ ‘Why Daughter Why?’ ‘Why Son Why?’ on the market. If the cash did flow as effortlessly as the sad faces of people that thronged to his home, he would have appreciated the warm-heartedness of Malawians.


You should have been there to see this happen. On Wednesday, as people escorted him to his final lasting place at Henry Henderson Institute in Blantyre, it was as if the nation had supported his creative works all along.


Those who know him say Kalitera had a genteel personality, replete with an abundance of roving wit - attributes he inherited from the communal spirit of T/A Mlumbe’s subjects. Growing up among the ever-smiling people of Zomba, so his admirers say, he bred himself into a likeable personality. It was a bent that could not be straightened even by such influences as town-mongering, civilisation, globalisation and whatever makes this generation a careless lot.


“He was one of the best writers in the country, a man who did not hesitate to share his knowledge with others. In fact, he was one of the Malawi Writers Union (Mawu)’s reliable trainers,” said Mawu president, Sambalikagwa Mvona, on Tuesday.


What a shame that his books are not commonplace on local book shelves. Who introduced this custom of ignoring our own geniuses? Whatever the case, Murray was right when she suggested that custom, if allowed to take a hold on our lives, becomes our second nature. Thus, the custom of ignoring the works of geniuses such as Kalitera has become our second nature!


“It is a shame that we treat our authors as nobodies. Look, we have been talking to the government on the issue of supporting us, to no avail. We have been talking to donors so that they can support Malawians authors, but only the Royal Norwegian Embassy has come to our rescue through the cultural scheme,” lamented Mvona, adding:


“Otherwise, the government seems not to care, the donors seem not to care, and Malawians, too, seem not to care. They only appreciate one’s work when you are gone. We cannot continue living like this.”



Greatness in humility
Born in a typical Malawian village in Zomba, Kalitera rose from a humble background and trod the creative corridors that led to international acclaim. Members of the international community, and the small portion of Malawians that cared, found that, suddenly, his every note was a novel, a film script or a non-fiction write up on how to become a good writer.


“He was a spring of creativity. For instance, at the Peer Gynt awards last year, he submitted two books, namely, ‘The Input Substitute’ and ‘Why Poverty?’ He was the only author to submit two books, and that tells you a story about how creative he was. Our loss is great,” Mvona said.


The Mawu president disclosed that the writers’ body planned to honour him at an event slated for August.


“So sad he will not be there in person to receive the honour,” he said.


Malawians must be as shallow as fountains. They make mockery out of geniuses. And only rise up on dark days like Wednesday when the mood is tinted black and the cheeks are wet with tears of regret, a shameless nation laid low with crushing fatigue and depression.


What makes Kalitera’s death harder to deal with is that he was a gem Malawians failed to tame. And, to prove his gem, he trod on in a country that loathes talent, publishing a horde of books in the midst of adversity.


Book Publishers Association of Malawi president Alfred Msadala said despite the challenges faced by Malawian authors, Kalitera showed that it is possible to create works that resonate with international audiences.


“He was unique, knew what he wanted, wrote widely, and many publishers got interested. He was, really, creative and talented, hence catching the interest of international publishers,” he said.


But is it not shameful that Kalitera’s works were admired by foreigners such as author, composer, blogger and music historian S.K. Waller? Waller took Kalitera so seriously that she quotes him on her blog, Incurable Insomniac, as saying about a good writer:


"You know what, it is so funny. A good writer will always find it very hard to fill a single page. A bad writer will always find it easy,” Waller quotes Kalitera as saying (Why Father Why, 1983).


Whatever happened for Malawians to dislike sons and daughters of their soil, the fact is that it does not thwart creativity, as Film Association of Malawi president, Ezaius Mkandawire, observed.


Mkandawire said, by producing a movie from the book ‘To Ndirande Mountain with Love’, Kalitera showed that he was a lid that fitted all pots.


“From Ndirande Mountain with Love’ is among the vintage films that Malawi should be proud of. It was made before the boom of this technological advancement where everyone is a film-maker because they have a video recorder,” Mkandawire said this week, adding:

“It (To Ndirande Mountain with Love) is a very professional film and it is in the league of an old great ‘Prodigal Son’, a film that was short by Norman Phiri for the Scripture Union.”


Mkandawire said from Kalitera’s life Malawians can learn that collaboration between authors and film-makers can bring the best out of creative minds.


“There must be collaboration between the two, the reason being that not all directors (film-makers) can be good story merchants,” he said.

However, Mkandawire observed that turning a book script into a film is not as simple as Kalitera made it appear.


“It is worth understanding, also, that it involves transfer of rights. Unless that is put into a proper consideration, that kind of synergy will always be difficult to pursue. (But) it is important for authors to do just that. The source of stories always comes from authors. Film-makers have a role to actualise the stories into film. In that way, both forms of art will have a longer shelf life and create larger audience,” said mkandawire


He said, unlike in the past, when the film industry was small, it is now easy to promote collaboration between authors and film-makers.


What is clear from the life of Kalitera is that, even when new authors saturate the bookshops with their works, it will be difficult to call to mind new publications and film adaptations that will resemble his. Call it the glory of his creative pieces!

HENRY CHIMUNTHU BANDA DISCUSSES THE ROLE OF THE LEGISLATURE AS AN INSTRUMENT OF STABILITY IN DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE

CONFERENCE OF STATE LEGISLATURES IN NIGERIA UYO, AKWA IBOM STATE

21st June, 2014


TOPIC: THE ROLE OF THE LEGISLATURE AS AN INSTRUMENT OF STABILITY IN DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE


PRESENTER: The Rt. Hon Henry Chimunthu Banda, Former Speaker of the Malawi National Assembly





1.0 INTRODUCTION

Permit me at the outset to express my profound gratitude to the leadership and citizens of Akwa Ibom State for hosting this important conference. I particularly salute our host, Speaker Elder Samuel Ikon for the wonderful facilitation and hospitality provided to me since my arrival in this beautiful and historic city. To the rest of the delegates here present, I see your attendance as not only a testament of your dedication to duty, but also as a reflection of your commitment to the furtherance of ideals of parliamentary democracy in Nigeria and beyond. I therefore consider time spent attending this conference as time well spent and I have no doubt in my mind that the views emanating from here will have far-reaching effects.



Dear colleagues, as you very well know, the Legislative branch is the least developed and least resourced of the three arms of government in most of our countries and continue to face fierce resistance from the Executive branch. In the face of this and other challenges, it is imperative that Parliaments—whether at State or National levels—build synergies and linkages to nurture the continued growth and development of parliamentary democracy.





2.0 DEFINITION OF IMPORTANT TERMS

I have been requested to share some thoughts on the topic: “The Role of the Legislature as an Instrument of Stability in Democratic Governance”. The subject matter is apt and timely. It comes at a time when the African Continent is faced with numerous incidences of instability which, invariably, affect democratic governance as it relates to all the three organs of State.


To begin with, we cannot exhaustively discuss this topic without reflecting on the key words contained herein. The freedictionary.com provides the following synonyms for the word stability: firmness, strength, soundness, permanence, solidity, steadfastness and steadiness, among others.


These words have connotations and ideological preconceptions of something being unchangeable even when sufficiently disturbed. There are both strategic as well as conceptual advantages in having constancy. This fact is better appreciated when we consider the antonyms of stability which are: fragility, unreliability, unsteadiness and fickleness.


On its part, the phrase democratic governance denotes a form of government which promotes the separation of powers and independence of the three organs of State; the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms; the exercise of power in accordance with the rule of law; and, citizen participation in decision-making processes. Thus, democratic governance seeks to promote effective public-institutions and processes that operate in a manner consistent with values of accountability, transparency, responsiveness and political pluralism.




3.0 IS STABILITY NECESSARY IN DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE?

Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, I have thought long and hard about the subject of my address and I have asked myself the question: “Is stability necessary in democratic governance, anyway?” I would answer this question in affirmative and I hope all of you here assembled join me in doing so.


We are all too well aware of how the curse known as instability has deprived the African Continent from aggressively developing in economic growth and development. Instability has produced weak public institutions, rampant human rights abuses, deepening poverty and corrupt systems. Conversely, in an environment of stability, democratic governance centers on power to the people, by the people and for the people as put forth by Abraham Lincoln. Thus, the elected representatives exercise power delegated by the electorate.





4.0 THE LEGISLATURE AS AN INSTRUMENT OF STABILITY IN DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE

This paper argues that one of the best tools a nation has at its disposal for ensuring stability of the democratic processes is the Legislature. It is a prime institution which is used to address the divergent interests of all citizens due to its ability to build relationships within and outside its precincts.


The institution has the capability to distribute the nation’s wealth equitably, to guard against human rights abuses, to expose corruption and to exercise oversight over the Executive. Not only is the Legislature an integral part of the governance structure, but is also an embodiment of the wishes and aspirations of the people it represents.


This is the nexus between the Legislature and stable democratic governance. For the elected representatives to exercise powers conferred by the electorate in a meaningful manner and for the governed to be properly represented to the government, it cannot be disputed that stability of the governance processes is a key ingredient.


Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen today, more than ever before, the Legislature has become synonymous with democracy largely for its role in the promotion of good governance and better delivery of services to the citizens. But it is widely acknowledged that for democracy to be deeply entrenched in any society there must be a stable environment and the role of the Legislature in that regard is indispensable.


There is no doubt that the separation of powers constrains what the Legislature is able to do in the realm of democratic governance for the reason that it is not permitted to exercise executive authority, implement policies nor to introduce pieces of legislation except by way of private Members Bills.


Be that as it may, the Legislature is uniquely positioned to play leadership role in the society and bring about consensus around critical national issues. In order to examine the role of the Legislature as an instrument of stability in democratic governance, the following thematic areas will be discussed:



4.1 Participation and Representation

The present day parliamentary engagement with the public which is witnessed in many parts of Africa can largely be attributed to the wave of political pluralism and the shift to participatory democracy that swept across the world in the 1990s and the cessation of the Cold War hostilities.


With the shift of focus now to an enlightened public, the citizen is today at the center of the Legislature not just as a target for vote-hunting but as an active participant in shaping the destiny of the country.


A democratic system requires meaningful participation and representation that integrates all societal groups- religious, ethnic, tribal, political and cultural- into decision-making processes. Improving the representative capacity of the Legislature strengthens its ability to reach out to all sectors of the society and lays the foundation for a stable governance regime.


4.1.2 Electoral systems
Representative democracy is a form of government where the powers of the sovereign rights of the people are delegated to a body of men and women who are elected from time to time. From this backdrop, elections are recognized are the means by which people choose their leaders to direct national affairs.


But elections are not just about choosing leaders, crucially, the credibility of the process has far-reaching consequences on the nation’s stability and progress. Thus, the Legislature is enjoined to ensure that the electoral systems provide a representative outcome which facilitates broad-based participation in the democratic process. (Caution: There is no good or bad electoral system….).



4.1.3 Dialogue with the Civil Society and the Media
Civil society groups may take the form of trade unions, religious groups, women lobby groups, human rights groups, professional associations and community-based organizations which may represent either specific issues or specific groups of people.


Although they do not have the mandate to speak on behalf of the people they represent (a source of conflict in some jurisdictions), civil society organizations usually have networks which reach out to far-flung corners of the country. In an environment where the Legislature and the civil society organization have cultivated a healthy working relationship, the latter can facilitate flow of information to various communities.


4.2 Parliamentary Functions and Oversight
One of the most important functions of the Legislature is to exercise oversight over the Executive and to hold it accountable. In exercising oversight, the Legislature is motivated by the desire to:


to protect the rights of citizens by monitoring and exposing unconstitutional
conduct;

to ensure transparency and effectiveness of government operations;

to prevent poor administration, waste, abuse, corruption, and arbitrary behavior;

to ensure that government policies are in the best interest of the citizens, and;

to hold government answerable on the implementation of the approved budget.



In a functioning democracy, replete with systems of checks and balances, the Legislature holds the Executive politically accountable whilst the Judiciary holds the Executive legally accountable.


As an embodiment of the sovereign will of the people, parliaments and parliamentarians are able to contribute to the stability of the democratic governance through robust debate on the floor of the House and negotiations in parliamentary committees.


4.2.1 Parliamentary Committees
The committee system enables Members to bring the specific concerns of their constituents to the decision-making process, whilst the absence of the media during private negotiations make it easier for Members to adopt a bipartisan approach rendering the process easier to reach consensus and compromise.


When carrying out their functions, committees employ several tools which include summoning government officials, conducting site visits and inspections, and conducting public hearings which are avenues for entering dialogue with the civil society, the private sector, individual citizens as well as other interest groups. In a sense, committees help to take parliament to the people and may operate as peace-building models through citizen engagement.



4.2.2 Parliamentary Debates
Since political parties are most partisan on the floor of the House, Standing Orders need to be transparent, well-defined and closely adhered to if Parliament is to be a forum for ensuring stable democratic governance. Rules must be applied fairly and impartially.


The Speaker has to balance between the minority and the majority groups in the House; the cardinal point being that while the majority may have their will, the minority must have their say. In the same breath, discussion of Bills should not be blocked by majority parties and legislation should not be passed without adequate debate.


(IMAGINE IF THIS BILL WAS RUSHED THROUGH PARLIAMENT AND PASSED: “All women of whatever age, rank or profession, whether maid or widow, who shall after this Act impose upon and seduce into matrimony any of His Majesty’s subjects by means of scents, paints, cosmetics, artificial teeth, false hair, bolstered hips, high-heeled shoes, or iron stays, shall incur the penalties against witchcraft, and the marriage be declared null and void1.” Parliament rejected the Bill!)



4.2.3 Legislative Development
Law making is considered to be the most important function of the Legislature particularly because a law offers guidance and regulates the society in its various aspects.


Although legislation is usually introduced by the Executive, the Legislature need to pass only those laws that promote stable democratic governance such as laws that entrench human rights protection and guarantees fundamental freedoms.


Conversely, laws that censures or punishes political opponents and the media or suppresses fundamental freedoms such as freedom of association, speech, opinion, movement, assembly need to be rejected or repealed.



4.3 Openness and Transparency
As eloquently and profoundly argued by O’Hara, the basis of the philosophy of openness and transparency is that: “the government has collected data or information for whatever reasons, using the resources and the legitimacy it derives from its citizens, and therefore, unless harm could result from the public release of that data, there would seem to be little reason against releasing it to its citizens to make productive use of.


Having been collected with public money, it should, where possible, be open for reuse in order to create further economic value2.” The hallmark of the theory and practice of democratic governance is a transparent and open system of decision-making.


Over the years there has been a growing acceptance that the general public has the right to participate in the free flow of information and to be informed about what is going on in their community, particularly the workings of government and the Legislature. Parliamentary openness enables citizens to be informed about the work of the Legislature, empowers citizens to engage in the legislative process, allows citizens to hold public officers to account and ensures that citizen’s interests are properly represented.


Openness and transparency requires that Legislatures must have all their actions, as well as the information about these actions, provided in an accessible and understandable manner which can promote the participation and awareness of the citizens.


There must be free flow of information about decisions and actions from Ministers and Members of Parliament to constituents and other stakeholders. Information should not only be accessible but also relevant, accurate and timely and presented in plain and readily comprehensible language and formats.


Parliamentary openness and transparency can be achieved in a variety of ways including the following:

Disclosure of Assets and Business Interests of all public officers including the President, Members of Parliament. The purpose being to establish probity, integrity and accountability in public life;


Access to Information legislation: Public institutions are opened to the scrutiny of members of the public;


“Connecting Parliament to the People”: Televising proceedings, publication of the Hansard, broadcasting debates on the radio, parliamentary websites and parliamentary outreach programs provide the public with greater awareness about “their” institution. Experience has shown that taking Parliament to the people helps to demystify the long held public perceptions about the institution;


Presentation of Public Petitions: Petitions are a pathway through which Members gain leverage in connecting the Legislature to the electorate. Through Petitions, citizens are provided space not only to seek redress on an alleged public grievance but also to influence the direction of service delivery agenda.



Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, it is important that Parliament plays a leadership role in instilling confidence in the democratic political system. Openness and transparency are some of the means by which the electorate can be assured that the democratic systems are in the interest of all sections of the society and not just those who control the Executive power. “Transparency, at the moment, is not a luxury. It is one of the most important tools for restoring political and economic stability.”3





4.4 The role of the opposition
The major role of the opposition is to question the government of the day and hold them accountable to the public. On serious issues, the opposition puts the government on the spotlight to have the concerns quickly resolved.


In situations where the relationship between the Executive and some sections of the society has become acrimonious and the conflict has the potential to result into instability, the opposition could become a stabilizing force by acting as third-party intermediaries between the two sides.


It is worth mentioning though that for this to happen, the opposition and the Executive need to forgo acrimonial politics and work together for the sake of national building.


Speaking in support of the pivotal role played by the opposition in parliamentary democracies, Quintin Hogg, an outstanding member of the British House of Commons once said: “Countries cannot be fully free until they have an organized opposition. It is not a long step from the absence of an organized opposition to a complete dictatorship”.


In democratic governance, the role of the opposition is not as parochial as was espoused by George Tierney (1761-1830), a 19th century British Whig Leader of Opposition, when he contended that: “the duty of an opposition is to propose nothing, oppose everything, and to turn out the government.”


In a functioning democracy, the opposition ought to do more than Tierney imagined. Beyond opposing, the opposition must propose alternatives and show that they are ready to govern. It should not block government programs pointlessly, but rather to offer support where it is in the best interest of the nation while portraying themselves as an enlightened alternative to the electorate.



4.4.1 The Opposition as the voice of the voiceless
The opposition expresses the views and interests of a section of the society that may not be represented by the party in government. Without the opposition, such views could either go unheard or be trampled upon.


Additionally, the opposition serves as a conduit for ventilating people’s grievances for action and/or redress. This role builds confidence and reassures the people that their concerns and interests have been properly presented to appropriate authorities.



4.4.2 The Opposition as a viable alternative (government-in-waiting)
Since a properly functioning constitutional democracy is about offering choices to the electorate, the opposition is a constant reminder to the electorate of the availability of a viable alternative to the party in government. Thus, the opposition is enjoined to offer policy alternatives in its criticisms to convince the electorate that it could have done things better.







CONCLUSION
As I conclude, I wish to observe that today, more than ever before, many countries are working towards building democratic governance, but the greatest challenge is to develop processes and institutions that are more responsive to the needs of the ordinary citizens, especially the poor. We are living through times when growing sections of the people in many democracies are getting increasingly disillusioned.


At the center of this disillusionment is the public perception of the widening gap between the expectations of the people and the efficacy of the delivery of socio-economic programs. Citizens expect more, better and faster delivery of services than is otherwise the case. There is urgent need to reinforce public confidence and the task is therefore cut out for you as Speakers and Presiding Officers!



1 D.J Gifford and John Salter, How to understand an Act of Parliament (London: Cavendish Publishing Ltd.) 1996,p.5.

2 Kieron O’Hara, Transparent Government, Not Transparent Citizens: A Report on Privacy and Transparency for the New Zealand Cabinet Office, p.17.

3 Alasdair Roberts, Transparency in Troubled Times, Legal Studies Research Paper Series, Research Paper 12-35, October 2012, Suffolk University Law School, Boston.

President Peter Mutharika Appoints More Cabinet Ministers

Questions are being raised: What was the President high on to announce nine more members of cabinet- after the appointment of Goodall Gondwe on Friday last week- at the crack of a new dawn?

Was he watching soccer?

Planning his wedding with Madam Gertrude Maseko?

Working all night to come up with these names for cabinet?

So many questions. But the reality is that President Peter Mutharika has appointed nine more members of the cabinet to join Gondwe.

As Malawians wait for more ministers to be appointed and be part of Mutharika's pledged-20-member cabinet, they may, at least for now, be satisfied with the following names.

Below, is the list of those who have made it:



.Transport & Public Works and Leader of House-Francis Kasaila


.Information, Tourism & Civic Education, and Deputy leader of House -- Kondwani Nakhumwa


.Education, Science & Technology -- Dr Emmanuel Fabiano


.Minister of Health -- Dr Jean Kalilani


.Agriculture and Irrigation -- Dr Allan Chiyembekeza


.Minister of Labour and government Chief Whip -- Henry Mussa


.Foreign Affair and International Corporation - Dr George Chaponda


.Youth Sports & Culture and Government Deputy Chief Whip - Grace Obama Chiumia


.Justice and Constitution Affairs - Samuel Tembenu